722 resultados para Inversión extranjera -- Colombia


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La protección a los adultos o personas mayores se ha convertido en una política de Estado, esto debido al creciente registro de vulneración de los derechos de los mismos. Por lo tanto, conocer estas políticas gubernamentales y sociales que se encuentran vigentes, también el actual sistema de seguridad social y su cobertura para ésta población tanto en España y Colombia, así como su contexto legal y social, además de identificar los espacios donde un adulto mayor encuentra la alternativa de vivir y compartir sus años longevos, ya sea en los llamados hogares geriátricos, residencias o centros de atención a mayores, como también el papel que las empresas solidarias juegan en la oferta y demanda de un mercado donde el segmento del adulto mayor de acuerdo a las necesidades en este contexto, genera mayores demandas de productos y profesionales especializados con sentido social. Este tejido de relaciones en pro del Bienestar hacía el adulto mayor, conlleva a presentar los resultados parciales de una investigación realizada en hogares o residencias para personas mayores ubicados en Ávila, Madrid y Santiago de Cali.

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El objetivo del presente estudio pretende analizar la selección de materiales curriculares didácticos y el papel que desempeñan en los procesos de enseñanza-aprendizaje. Antes de ello, se mencionará el concepto de análisis de necesidades a efectos de encontrar los mejores materiales que las puedan satisfacer. Se prestará especial atención a las posibilidades de selección, análisis y evaluación de materiales, en tanto que constituyen los principales medios de transmisión de los contenidos a los estudiantes intentando ayudarlos a desarrollar las competencias básicas establecidas en el Anexo I de la LOE. Se enfocará el presente estudio sobre materiales curriculares aplicados a la enseñanza de idiomas, hablando de las ventajas y desventajas de usarlos como recursos didácticos. Para finalizar, se expondrán algunas reflexiones en torno a la práctica docente, los libros de texto y materiales multimedia.

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En este artículo tratamos, por medio de Suenan timbres de Luis Vidales, el idiotismo de la sociedad tradicionalista tecnificada de principios de siglo XX en Colombia. Estudio que realizamos desde el concepto de idiotismo de Vidales, en estrecha relación con el de cultura de viñeta de Rafael Gutiérrez Girardot, para plantear la burla del poeta a la sociedad capitalista, que cuestiona la presencia de la Iglesia católica y la política conservadora en todos los estadios de la vida nacional.

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Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.

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The conventional wisdom in the transitional justice literature is that there is no one-size-fits-all approach. This article suggests that this may also be true within a given state. The current paper reports on quantitative and qualitative data from 184 participants in a survey conducted in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Results suggest widespread support for transitional justice mechanisms – such as perpetrator accountability, public acknowledgement and structural change – but dissatisfaction with national-level initiatives, specifically the 2005 Justice and Peace Law. Yet, despite a distrust of the national government and protracted conflict, individuals report social trust, community cohesion and reliance on local government institutions. These attitudes and behaviours suggest that decentralised transitional justice mechanisms may be more effective in meeting victims' needs. Moreover, analyses indicate that individual preferences are influenced by community factors, such as the presence of demobilised paramilitaries, which can be addressed through more localised approaches to promote peacebuilding. The paper concludes with best practices derived from the findings.

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This chapter explores the responsibility of armed non-state actors for reparations to victims. Traditionally international law has focused on the responsibility of the state, and more recently the responsibility of convicted individuals before the International Criminal Court, to provide reparations for international crimes. Yet despite the prevalence of internal armed conflict over the past few decades, there responsibility of armed groups for reparations has been neglected in international law. Although there is a tentative emerging basis for armed groups to provide reparations under international law, such developments have not yet crystallized into hard law. However, when considering the more substantive practice of states in Northern Ireland, Colombia and Uganda, a greater effort can be discerned in ensuring that such organizations are responsible for reparations. This paper finds that not only can armed non-state actors be held collectively responsible for reparations, but due to the growing number of internal armed conflict they can play an important role in ensuring the effectiveness of reparations in remedying victims’ harm. Yet, finding armed groups responsible for reparations is no panacea for accountability, due to the nature of armed conflicts, responsibility may not be distinct, but overlapping and joint, and such groups may face difficulties in meeting their obligations, thus requiring a holistic approach and subsidiary role for the state.

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Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.

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Given the increase of reconciliation processes initiated amid on-going violence, this study focuses on community reconciliation and its relation to structural transformation, or social reconstruction through reforming unjust institutions and practices that facilitate protracted violent conflict. Drawing lessons from the Caribbean coast of Colombia, mixed method analyses include eight in-depth interviews and 184 surveys. Four key dimensions of reconciliation – truth, justice, mercy, peace – are examined. In the interviews, participants prioritize reconstructing the truth and bringing perpetrators to justice as essential aspects of reconciliation. Notions of mercy and forgiveness are less apparent. For the participants, sustainable peace is dependent on structural transformation to improve livelihoods. These data, however, do not indicate how this understanding of reconciliation may relate to individual participation in reconciliation processes. Complementing the qualitative data, quantitative analyses identify some broad patterns that relate to participation in reconciliation events. Compared to those who did not participate, individuals who engaged in reconciliation initiatives report higher levels of personal experience with violence, live alongside demobilized paramilitaries, are more engaged in civic life, and express greater preference for structural transformation. The paper concludes with policy implications that integrate reconciliation and structural transformation to deepen efforts to rebuild the social fabric amid violence.

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El presente trabajo quiere presentar un panorama de los grupos étnicos indígenas que hoy pueblan el territorio colombiano. La "visión etnológica sobre los grupos étnicos indígenas actuales de Colombia con su bibliografía" tiene como objeto presentar la riqueza étnica de las minorías indígenas que, junto con los negros y blancos, conforman el pueblo colombiano. Como lo indica el título, esta no es una investigación profunda sobre cada grupo, pero es una recopilación de datos, informes y libros ya existentes para dar una visión de cada grupo étnico mencionado, aunque sobre algunos los datos son escasos, por varias razones que especialmente debido a la poca literatura eústente en la etnología actual. Después del índice, la introducción y agradecimientos, se encuentra la bibliografia general, a la cual sigue la presentación de los deparamentos, intendencias y comisarías donde existen los resguardos y las reservas indígenas, complementados al final del trabajo con su respectivo mapa; en cada resguardo o reserva aparece entre paréntesis el número bajo el cual se puede buscar en el mapa. A continuación se éncuentta la clasificación de los grupos étnicos por familias lingüísticas y la descripción de cada uno, ordenados alfabéticamente, divididos en subtítulos como nominación, o bajo cuales nombres se conoce el grupo, localización, resguardos y/o reservas indígenas, lengua y/o familia linguística a Ia cual pertenece, vivienda, economía, vestidos y adornos, organización socio-política, creencias y rituales, aculturación. Aunque los subtítulos no se compaften siempre, debido a la escasez de trabajos sobre algunos grupos y/o a su falta de disponibilidad, espero que aún de este modo el presente trabajo será de utilidad y por ello despuás de cada gupo se menciona la bibliografía de los trabajos existentes sobre el mismo, para quienes quieran profundizar sus conocimientos sobre el tema.

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The potential of online learning has long afforded the hope of providing quality education to anyone, anywhere in the world. The recent development of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) heralded an exciting new breakthrough by providing free academic instruction and professional skills development from the world’s leading universities to anyone with the sufficient resources to access the internet. The research in Advancing MOOCs for Development Initiative study was designed to analyze the MOOC landscape in developing countries and to better understand the motivations of MOOC users and afford insights on the advantages and limitations of MOOCs for workforce development outcomes. The key findings of this study challenge commonly held beliefs about MOOC usage in developing countries, defying typical characterizations of how people in resource constrained settings use technology for learning and employment. In fact, some of the findings are so contrary to what has been reported in the U.S. and other developed environments that they raise new questions for further investigation.

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Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.