961 resultados para Illinois. Military and Naval Dept.
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The aim of this study was to analyze if the perceptions of students before and after carrying out the work, that is, their perception of different aspects of the functioning of the group, the working skills acquired as well as those they think that need to be improved, varied depending on whether the contribution of the different members of the group was being co-evaluated or not. 144 students of Physical Activity and Sport Sciences participated in this study. In order to analyze the students' perception of group work the adapted questionnaire by Bourne et al. (2001) was used. Results showed that groups which implemented co-evaluation assessed more negatively the experience in general than those which did not. However, co-evaluation groups perceived their competence to work as a team had improved to a greater extent than the groups without co-evaluation, evaluating more positively both the performance and the result of work and increasing their knowledge of the other team members. Using a co-evaluation system seems to generate both a better assessment of the running of the team and the result of its work.
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Bodyworn antennas are found in a wide range of medical, military and personal communication applications, yet reliable communication from the surface of the human body still presents a range of engineering challenges. At UHF and microwave frequencies, bodyworn antennas can suffer from reduced efficiency due to electromagnetic absorption in tissue, radiation pattern fragmentation and variations in feed-point impedance. The significance and nature of these effects are system specific and depend on the operating frequency, propagation environment and physical constraints on the antenna itself. This paper describes how numerical electromagnetic modelling techniques such as FDTD (finite-difference time-domain) can be used in the design of bodyworn antennas. Examples are presented for 418 MHz, 916 .5 MHz and 2 . 45 GHz, in the context of both biomedical signalling and wireless personal-area networking applications such as the Bluetooth(TM)* wireless technology.
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The precise rationale for, and timing of, the Northern Ireland peace process of the 1990s and beyond, which developed after more than two decades of conflict, has yet to be fully explained. It has been a common assumption that it arose from a stalemate involving the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the 'regular' pro-state forces of the British Army and Royal Ulster Constabulary and the 'irregular/ultra' pro-state loyalist paramilitary groups of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Under this interpretation, military/paramilitary deadlock led to ripeness for peace, amid reappraisals by all parties to the conflict of the utility of violence accompanied by reinterpretations of earlier political orthodoxies. The IRA could not remove the British sovereign claim to Northern Ireland; British forces could not militarily defeat the IRA and loyalists and republicans were engaged in a futile inter-communal sectarian war. This stalemate thesis has obvious attraction in explaining why a seemingly intractable war finally subsided, but is less convincing when subject to empirical testing among republican and loyalist participants in the conflict. This article moves away from 'top-down' generalist narratives of the onset of peace, which tend to argue the stalemate thesis, to assess 'bottom-up' interpretations from the actual combatants as to why they ceased fighting. It suggests an asymmetry, rather than mutuality, of perception that there was 'military' cessation by the armed non-state groups, with neither republican nor loyalist interpretations grounded in notions of stalemate. The article concludes by urging a wider consideration of the important and persistent interplay of the military and political in conflicts such as Northern Ireland.
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This paper investigates the limitations of postcolonial planning practices that aimed to modernise Cairo’s urban spaces during Gamal Abdel Nasser rule (1952–70). Following the Free Officers revolution of 1952, ambition to display urban order through forceful change in the city’s built environment was in action. Nasser’s visions of modernity were explicit in a series of attempts to reshape several prime locations in central Cairo, which included the old traditional waterfront quarter, in Bulaq Abul Ela. An analysis of the Bulaq planning scheme drafted in 1966 reveals insights into how notions of order were spatialised to integrate with Cairo’s complex urban fabric. The official plans to regularise Bulaq also strongly demonstrates how this was a top-down, centralised process in terms of governance, with full utilisation of state resources, namely the military and the media. From a wider perspective, planning practices under Nasser demonstrated an evident break with the past to eliminate memories of colonisation and disorder. Drawing on original resources, archival material, meeting minutes and maps of this historical but dilapidated quarter of Cairo, this paper gives an insight into how Nasser’s government attempted to convey a sense of order in a revolutionary country without, however, having an understanding of order as a coherent, multilayered and sequential process of change.
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In recent years unmanned vehicles have grown in popularity, with an ever increasing number of applications in industry, the military and research within air, ground and marine domains. In particular, the challenges posed by unmanned marine vehicles in order to increase the level of autonomy include automatic obstacle avoidance and conformance with the Rules of the Road when navigating in the presence of other maritime traffic. The USV Master Plan which has been established for the US Navy outlines a list of objectives for improving autonomy in order to increase mission diversity and reduce the amount of supervisory intervention. This paper addresses the specific development needs based on notable research carried out to date, primarily with regard to navigation, guidance, control and motion planning. The integration of the International Regulations for Avoiding Collisions at Sea within the obstacle avoidance protocols seeks to prevent maritime accidents attributed to human error. The addition of these critical safety measures may be key to a future growth in demand for USVs, as they serve to pave the way for establishing legal policies for unmanned vessels.
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By formally quitting during a ceasefire he himself masterminded – and on the back of significant military gains – Putin can leave with his head held high. Having proven his critics wrong and demonstrated the capability of Russia’s military (and its new weapons – a splendid advert to any buyers of Russian arms), Putin can now concentrate on the diplomatic aspect of the peace process, something at which Moscow usually excels.
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A presente dissertação contempla estudos de reactividade na periferia e no interior do macrociclo corrólico, nomeadamente do 5,10,15- tris(pentafluorofenil)corrol. Nesses estudos foram estabelecidas novas rotas de síntese para a preparação de novos derivados tetrapirrólicos do tipo corrol, alguns deles com potencial aplicação medicinal. Na primeira parte, foi estudado o comportamento de 5,10,15- tris(pentafluorofenil)corrol como componente 2ʌ em reacções de cicloadição de Diels-Alder com hidrocarbonetos aromáticos policíclicos, designadamente antraceno, tetraceno, nafto[2,3-a]pireno e pentaceno. Estas reacções foram efectuadas em aquecimento clássico e com radiação de microondas. Desses estudos concluiu-se que todos os hidrocarbonetos aromáticos considerados, à excepção do nafto[2,3-a]pireno, reagem segundo reacções de Diels-Alder, mas apenas com o pentaceno se obtêm aductos provenientes de reacções de cicloadição [4+4]. Os resultados obtidos em algumas destas reacções levaram a um estudo aprofundado sobre a estabilidade do macrociclo considerado. Este estudo foi efectuado sob condições térmicas, sob a acção da luz e na presença de um agente promotor de radicais. Desses estudos concluiu-se que apenas com aquecimento clássico é possível obter o dímero com o anel ciclooctatetraeno ligado pelas posições C-2, C-2’ e C-18, C-18’ e o dímero assimétrico ligado pelas posições C-2 e C-3’. Na presença de luz ou na presença de agente promotor de radicais obtém-se o dímero simétrico ligado pelas posições C-3 e C-3’. O estudo do mecanismo da reacção de dimerização na presença de luz levou ainda à síntese de um corrol mono-iodado. Foi ainda analisado o comportamento de 5,10,15-tris(pentafluorofenil)corrol e de 5,10,15-tris(pentafluorofenil)corrolatogálio(III)(piridina) na presença de iletos de azometino. Destes estudos resultou o desenvolvimento de novas rotas de síntese para a obtenção de novos derivados do tipo amina e do tipo éter. Na terceira parte, descrevem-se estudos de complexação do 5,10,15- tris(pentafluorofenil)corrol com diferentes sais metálicos por espectrometria de massa. Foram usados como fontes de ionização o Electrospray e o LSIMS. Os resultados obtidos comprovaram que os metalocorróis obtidos na fonte são idênticos aos metalocorróis sintetizados. Na quarta parte deste trabalho foram sintetizados novos conjugados corrolciclodextrina por meio de reacções de substituição nucleófila. A actividade fotodinâmica destes derivados foi avaliada numa linha celular cancerígena. A estrutura dos compostos sintetizados foi estabelecida recorrendo a diversas técnicas espectroscópicas actuais, principalmente espectroscopia de Ressonância Magnética Nuclear (RMN de 1H, 13C e 19F, DEPT, COSY, HSQC, HMBC e NOESY), espectrometria de massa em LSIMS, ESI e MALDI e ainda recorrendo a espectrofotometria de Ultravioleta-Visível (UV-vis).
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This document shows the operations per year for airports in South Carolina broken down by air taxi, local, itin, military and totals.
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A Short film about War is a narrative documentary artwork made entirely from information found on the worldwide web. In ten minutes this two screen gallery installation takes viewers around the world to a variety of war zones as seen through the collective eyes of the online photo sharing community Flickr, and as witnessed by a variety of existing military and civilian bloggers. As the ostensibly documentary 'film' plays itself out, a second screen logs the provenance of images, blog fragments and gps locations of each element comprising the work, so that the same information is simultaneously communicated to the viewer in two parallel formats -on one hand as a dramatised reportage and on the other hand as a text log. In offerring this tautology, we are attempting to explore and reveal the way in which information changes as it is gathered, edited and then mediated through networked communications technologies or broadcast media, and how that changes and distorts meaning -especially for (the generally wealthy minority of) the world's users of high speed broadband networks, who have become used to the treacherously persuasive panoptic view that google earth (and the worldwide web) appears to give us.
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A presente dissertação visa aferir a dimensão e a relevância das alterações operadas por Nikita Khrushchev, enquanto líder da União Soviética, no Complexo Militar e Industrial deste país, no período da Guerra Fria. Neste contexto, as mesmas serão analisadas e proceder-se-á, paralelamente, ao estudo do impacto das mesmas a nível interno, bem como a nível externo, na interacção da União Soviética com os restantes actores da comunidade internacional, nomeadamente os Estados Unidos. Mormente, como forma de contextualizar as referidas alterações, proceder-se-á também ao apuramento dos motivos que estiveram subjacentes à transmutação de uma componente relevante nas Relações Internacionais, o Complexo Militar e Industrial Soviético.
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The President of the Portuguese Republic’s relation with the Armed Forces in the current political system is not confined to the vast legislative and constitutional set. As Chief of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, the President holds different powers. We develop an approach through the main concepts and themes that regulate the Armed Forces and National Defense, focusing the relations that involve the President directly. The attribution by inherence of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces to the Chief of State, imposes a peculiar relation with the remainder sovereign institutions. The need to analyze the intermediate services as far as military and defense issues are concerned becomes necessary, in particular the role of the Military Cabinet – as a structure of direct support – and the High Council of National Defense – as an advisory body.
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Le 8 mars 1963, un coup d’État en Syrie permet à une secte minoritaire marginalisée au sein du parti Baas, à idéologie radicale et révolutionnaire, de s’emparer des rênes de l’État avec l’appui des militaires et de conserver le pouvoir depuis. Ainsi la Syrie, premier pays arabe à connaître le système pluraliste parlementaire dès 1919, sera soumise à un régime militaire et autoritaire pendant presque un demi siècle. Ce mémoire vise à expliquer comment cette faction, groupusculaire à l’origine, a su profiter des circonstances et des fenêtres d’opportunité politique ouvertes par les comportements de l’élite traditionnelle syrienne, au pouvoir depuis le Mandat français, s’étant trouvée affaiblie, isolée et illégitime aux yeux de la population. Cette fragmentation exprimée par des agitations internes, avait provoqué des décisions contradictoires, des conflits d’intérêts ainsi que des divisions de nature identitaire, générationnelle, sociale, économique, militaire et politique. La Syrie a de ce fait, depuis son indépendance en 1941, été victime du jeu de son élite, un jeu dont ce mémoire est consacré à étudier la dynamique. Cette étude, qui définit le concept de l’élite théoriquement, s’appuie sur l’état des liens entre élites, l’envergure et les modes de leur circulation, pour confirmer qu’une élite fragmentée s’affaibli, perd sa légitimité et mène la société à l’instabilité. Ceci soutien l’hypothèse centrale de l’étude que la fragmentation de l’élite syrienne traditionnelle a ouvert des fenêtres d’opportunité politique devant le parti Baas, minoritaire et radical, qui a su les saisir pour conquérir le pouvoir.
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Figure majeure de l’histoire des relations coloniales franco-algériennes, l’émir Abdelkader est généralement présenté par ses compatriotes comme le modèle politique, militaire et religieux du résistant au colonialisme français du 19ième siècle. L’historiographie officielle algérienne en véhicule l’image du chef religieux qui a initié al-jihad de résistance conforme aux règles exotériques de la chari’ia. Il est décrit comme un guerrier loyal et magnanime, fin stratège, dont la défaite militaire a paradoxalement marqué la fondation de l’Algérie moderne en tant que Nation et État. La construction sociopolitique postcoloniale de ce mythe a permis de légitimer les différents régimes politiques, qui se sont succédé dans l’Algérie indépendante et qui ont toujours tenu, dans le cadre d’une lecture littérale de l’Islam. Ceci dans le but de taire la dimension spirituelle d’Abdelkader disciple, héritier et commentateur de l’œuvre du magister Magnus soufi, IbnʻArabî. Fascinés dès le début de l’occupation par cet adversaire hors du commun, les français, de plus en plus sécularisés, en ont érigé une image utilitaire, l’aliénant ainsi de ses compatriotes coreligionnaires et le découplant de sa foi islamique. Les mémoires concurrentes de l’ancienne puissance coloniale et de son ex-colonie, l’Algérie, ont généré plusieurs débats contemporains en ce qui a trait à l’écriture de l’histoire de la colonisation. Le personnage d’Abdelkader a été instrumentalisé par les uns et les autres. Deux évènements controversés de sa biographie sont devenus les objets d’une polémique souvent âpre et amère entre auteurs chercheurs algériens et français : l’adhésion de l’émir à la franc-maçonnerie française et sa séparation d’avec celle-ci. Nous allons présenter que la prémisse d’auteurs algériens, selon laquelle Abdelkader n’aurait pas pu adhérer au Grand Orient de France, pour cause d’incompatibilité doctrinale musulmane, est inconsistante. Nous essayerons de démontrer au contraire, que son initiation à la maçonnerie telle qu’elle s’était présentée à lui était en accord avec sa vision soufie et légaliste du dogme islamique. En nous basant sur le choix de la franc-maçonnerie française pour la laïcité au moment de la réception supposée de l’émir dans la fraternité, nous montrerons qu’il s’en éloigna pour des raisons de doctrine islamique. En effet, l’élimination de toute référence déiste des textes constitutifs du Grand Orient de France fut inacceptable pour le musulman qu’était Abdelkader, vaincu militairement mais raffermi spirituellement par sa proximité grandissante avec son maître spirituel IbnʻArabî. L’humanisme des francs-maçons français avait motivé une refondation basée sur les droits de l’homme issus de la révolution française. Tandis que celui de l’émir Abdelkader prenait sa source dans l’Unicité de l’Être, concept-cadre Akbarien de la compréhension de la relation de Dieu avec ses créatures. Nous allons montrer que les polémiques franco-algériennes sur les relations d’Abdelkader avec la franc-maçonnerie française, masquent un autre débat de fond qui dure depuis des siècles dans le monde musulman. Un débat opposant deux herméneutiques légalistes des textes islamiques, l’une exotérique s’incarnant dans l’œuvre du théologien musulman Ibn Taymiyya et l’autre ésotérique se trouvant au cœur des écrits du mystique IbnʻArabî.
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Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la survivance des femmes en contexte de violence organisée. Notre recherche s’appuie sur le témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises réfugiées au Canada dont le récit sera exploré afin de comprendre leurs points de vue sur trois dimensions de la survivance : la victimisation et la revictimisation qu’elles ont subi, les actes qu’elles ont pu poser pour survivre et le sens qu’elles ont donné aux situations vécues. D’abord, ces femmes rapportent qu’au-delà du génocide de 1994, elles ont vécu dans un climat d’insécurité, d’incertitude et d’impunité durant la guerre au Rwanda (1990-1994) et en exil, durant la guerre qui a visé le renversement de Mobutu, le massacre des ressortissants rwandais et le pillage des ressources naturelles par l’AFDL. Leurs récits confirment donc la continuité de la violence organisée d’un régime politique à un autre. De plus, les femmes témoignent de la non-reconnaissance de leur statut de réfugié par les bureaux qui traitent outre-mer les demandes d’asile, du traitement déshumanisant et accusateur des administrateurs de l’aide humanitaire et, de manière plus importante, de la non-reconnaissance des crimes commis par les forces armées du gouvernement actuellement au pouvoir au Rwanda et de leur impunité. Ensuite, les témoignages recueillis montrent des actrices sociales engagées dans l’activisme politique, l’action collective, la protection, la sécurité, la survie et l’établissement de leurs proches, du début du conflit jusqu’à leur arrivée au Canada. En effet, pour surmonter les difficultés engendrées par la violence organisée, elles ont mobilisé et transformé de manière créative toutes les ressources de leur capital humain, social et économique pour subvenir aux besoins de leurs proches et de leur communauté, et ce, tout au long de leur parcours migratoire. Enfin, au sujet du sens, nous verrons d’une part comment les femmes conçoivent leurs expériences individuelles de souffrances comme une histoire de victimisation collective, ce qui semble les aider à normaliser leurs expériences. D’autre part, nous verrons comment une identité de femmes fortes, résilientes et capables de s’adapter dans un climat d’adversité se dégage de leur témoignage, ce qui semble favoriser chez elles un sentiment de cohérence, de continuité et nourrir une certaine fierté.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal