Fewell-Caldwell-Carothers Family Papers - Accession 254

The collection consists of genealogical data, correspondence, speeches and essays, sermons, Civil War and World War I papers and memorabilia, diaries, legal and financial papers, photographs, newspaper clippings, and various papers relating to the Fewell, Caldwell, and Carothers families. The collection also contains records relating to Winthrop College, Winthrop Training School, and Salem College, Winston-Salem, N.C. Bound Volumes in the collection are scrapbooks realign to the college career of Eva M. Fewell (Carothers), and the civic and business careers of Benjamin M. Fewell and Erwin Carothers. Related by marriage, the Fewell and Carothers families have a long history of business and civic service to the city of Rock Hill. The collection represents a research source for information concerning Rock Hill, and the 1800’s sermons of Reverend Cyrus K. Caldwell suggest any number of editorial and research projects for history students and scholars. The collection also contains genealogical information on Caldwell, Fewell, Carothers, Garrison, Broughton, Barron, Hope, Davidson, and Allison families. Includes papers of Anna Hope Caldwell, Erwin Carothers, Eva M. Fewell, Anne Carothers, and the sermons of Reverend Cyrus K. Caldwell of Tennessee.

Marguerite Dawson King Papers - Accession 280

Mrs. Marguerite Dawson King (1901-1979) was a very active and civic minded woman and the collection of her papers attests to the valuable contributions which can be made by women and by senior citizens. The King Papers are a valuable source of information on women in politics and on the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP). The collection consists of correspondence, minutes, bylaws, reports, agendas, yearbooks, handbooks, newsletters, brochures, speeches, legislative bills, program notes, newspaper clippings, awards, and certificates concerning Mrs. King’s activities as chapter chairman and assistant state director of the AARP; as district chairman of the United Daughters of the Confederacy; as the first woman County Chairman of the democratic party in S.C. and as a member of the Democratic Women’s Council of S.C., the York County Democratic Women’s Club, Partners of the Americas, and the Order of the Eastern Star. Also included in the collection is information on the development of the city of Rock Hill, S.C.

Eunice Ford Stackhouse Biography - Accession 15 - M1 (1)

This collection consists of a biography of Eunice Ford Stackhouse (1885-1980) titled Eunice Ford Stackhouse: Educator and Civic Leader by Mary Frayser in 1959. Mrs. Stackhouse was an educator and civil leader. Mary Frayser includes excerpts and original correspondence of Mrs. Stackhouse in the publication.

Women's Club of Rock Hill Records - Accession 219

The Women's Club of Rock Hill's mission is to further the cultural, educational, and social interest of its members and to promote interest in Rock Hill’s civic development and welfare. The Women's Club of Rock Hill Records consist of constitutions and bylaws, histories, minutes, reports, correspondence, memoranda, program notes, brochures, newsletters, membership lists, yearbooks, questions, certificates, awards, scrapbooks, newspaper clippings, and photographs. The records also relate to the thirteen affiliated clubs comprising the Woman’s Club of Rock Hill: Amateur Arts, Arts Appreciation, Book Discussion, Book Lovers, Crafts, Hearthstone, Hermitage, Home Study, Lantern, Literary, Outlook, Palmetto, and Politeia, and to other records for the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Club and the General Federation of Women’s Clubs. Records of various organizations not directly related to the Woman’s Club of Rock Hill are also included, such as the Tri-County Parents Without Partners, the Rock Hill Community Council, the Rock Hill Model Cities Commission, the Rock Hill Senior Center, and the South Carolina Conference on the Status of Women.

Thelma Ecord Busbee Papers - Accession 29

Thelma Ecord Busbee (1910-2004) was a Civic leader and club woman from Columbia, South Carolina. The Thelma Ecord Busbee Papers consist of correspondence, reports, constitutions, financial records, program notes, and other papers relating to her many club and civic activities. The collection covers the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs (1950-1959), The South Carolina Status of Women’s Conference (1961-1968), the Richland-Lexington Tuberculosis Association (1961-1964), South Carolina Alert, Inc. (1961-1962), the Palmetto Outdoor Historical Drama Association (1965-1968), the South Carolina State Library Board (1967-1968), the Lexington County Hospital Auxiliary (1970-1972), and the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1966).

Church Women United in Columbia Records - Accession 191

The Church Women United In Columbia was founded in 1915 as the Women’s Interdenominational Missionary Union whose purpose was to work for the betterment of social and economic conditions in the city of Columbia, South Carolina. The collection consists of constitutions, bylaws, minutes, correspondence, reports, financial records, newsletters, newspaper clippings, lists, and other records relating to the history and civic activities of the organization.

Pilot Club International South Carolina District Records - Accession 205

The Pilot Club International was a service oriented club for women, however men are now allowed to join. The South Carolina District was founded in the 1930s for “the promotion of social welfare through the performance of civil and beneficial service of the character generally accomplished by civic organizations, rendering aid and assistance to local Pilot Clubs and implementing at the district level the programs and policies of Pilot Club International.” The Pilot Club International South Carolina District Records consist of a certificate of incorporation, minutes, annual reports, correspondence, resolutions and lists of standing rules.

O lado escuro da capital social: implicações sociais e políticas

O artigo questiona a associação direta entre a interação em redes sociais e a produção de um tipo de capital social que traz ganhos benéficos à comunidade. O capital social pode adquirir formas e resultar em efeitos negativos sobre as relações sociais. Argumentase assim que relações fundadas em tais princípios, dependendo do tipo de vínculos entre os atores, do contexto sócio-econômico e da fragilidade das ações das instituições e do Estado, podem favorecer a emergência do lado escuro do capital social, conduzindo ao aumento do crime organizado, à perpetuação do clientelismo e da corrupção.

The State as Part of the Republic

The State as Part of the Republic The main objective of this article is to analyze an ideal of civic life, the Republic, based on the form of the sovereign state. Historically, the convergence between Republic and sovereign state has been truncated by the former's commitment to the thesis of royal absolutism. However, as the democratic issue (translated in the values of equality and pluralism) was absorbed by sovereignism, such convergence became more plausible. As viewed in this article, the theoretical bridge of that passage is the concept of political representation. The issue is thus to show in what way a certain vision of the political form (that of the state) can fit into a theory of political representation that contemplates the above-mentioned values.

O Estado como parte da república

The main objective of this article is to analyze an ideal of civic life, the Republic, based on the form of the sovereign state. Historically, the convergence between Republic and sovereign state has been truncated by the former's commitment to the thesis of royal absolutism. However, as the democratic issue (translated in the values of equality and pluralism) was absorbed by sovereignism, such convergence became more plausible. As viewed in this article, the theoretical bridge of that passage is the concept of political representation. The issue is thus to show in what way a certain vision of the political form (that of the state) can fit into a theory of political representation that contemplates the above-mentioned values.

L'a(rche)tipico Brian O'Nolan. Comico e riso dalla tradizione al post-

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man’s characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine’s (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli’s (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler’s (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger’s (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general ‘Economy Rule’ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person’s arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the “village fool”, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the ‘social comic’ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann’s work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue’s The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker’s Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper’s Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher’s Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author’s restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his “specific weight”, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law’s penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a ‘social’ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its ‘chapters’ —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O’Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure’s function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a ‘culture in common’. There is no way for a ‘culture in common’ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more ‘connected’ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

Reti socievoli: l’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico

La tesi si è consolidata nell’analisi dell’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico “non è mai una realtà precostituita” (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all’interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell’obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d’incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi.. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle “virtù” del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un “villaggio globale” e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l’uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello “Dutiful Citizenship”; l’altro, modello “Self Actualizing Citizenship” per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova “felicità”. La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all’interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall’etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello “4 C”: Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility.

L'altro eccezionalismo: William Appleman Williams tra storia, storiografia e impegno civile

La storiografia statunitense, a partire dagli anni Cinquanta, vide l’affermarsi di una nuova interpretazione della politica estera americana. Archiviata la storia diplomatica come storia dei trattati o storia delle interazioni delle élites dominanti, abbandonata una visione incentrata sull’equilibrio di potenza, il dibattito storiografico si arricchì della cosiddetta interpretazione «revisionista», antitetica rispetto a quella che, fino a quel momento, aveva predominato. Soggetto di analisi storica restava sempre lo Stato ma l’enfasi maggiore era posta sui fattori economici che ne influenzavano l’azione: si metteva in rilievo l’interazione tra l’interesse privato e il soggetto statale. Capofila di questa nuova scuola fu William Appleman Williams. Questa ricerca si pone l’obiettivo di delineare il contesto storiografico dal quale emersero gli studi di Williams e di cui egli ne roviesciò alcuni assunti fondamentali. Si intende tracciare il suo percorso intellettuale – storiografico e pubblico – al fine di restituire la complessità di un personaggio che divenne un vero e proprio «intellettuale pubblico». I quesiti, a cui questa ricerca vuole dar risposta riguardano l’evoluzione del percorso intellettuale di Williams tanto in ambito storiografico quanto, più in generale, in quello pubblico; il contributo alla ridefinizione dell’identità statunitense e del suo ruolo internazionale; il lascito della sua riflessione nella storiografia. Prendendo le mosse dall’idea di frontiera proposta da Turner, Williams sostenne che la fine dell’espansione territoriale «interna» aveva obbligato gli Stati Uniti a cercare nuovi mercati per il proprio surplus. Era stata tale necessità a catalizzare la Open Door Diplomacy, guidata da ragioni economiche, che presto identificarono l’interesse nazionale per trasformarsi in una vera e propria ideologia nel XX secolo.L’esito di tale politica estera fu la creazione di un impero non più territoriale ma frutto dell’espansione economica. E proprio questa riflessione sull’impero influenzò, negli anni Sessanta, la protesta studentesca che chiese un ripensamento del ruolo internazionale degli Stati Uniti.

The Right to Voice: Its Realization by Estonian and American Parents in Public Schools

Investigating parents’ formal engagement opportunities in public schools serves well to characterize the relationship between states and societies. While the relationship between parental involvement and students’ academic success has been thoroughly investigated, rarely has it been seen to indicate countries’ governing regimes. The researcher was curious to see whether and how does parents’ voice differ in different democracies. The hypothesis was that in mature regimes, institutional opportunities for formal parental engagement are plenty and parents are actively involved; while in young democracies there are less opportunities and the engagement is lower. The assumption was also that parental deliberation in expressing their dissatisfaction with schools differs across democracies: where it is more intense, there it translates to higher engagement. Parents’ informedness on relevant regulations and agendas was assumed to be equally average, and their demographic background to have similar effects on engagement. The comparative, most different systems design was employed where public middle schools last graders’ parents in Tartu, Estonia and in Huntsville, Alabama the United States served as a sample. The multidimensional study includes the theoretical review, country and community analyses, institutional analysis in terms of formal parental involvement, and parents’ survey. The findings revealed sizeable differences between parents’ engagement levels in Huntsville and Tartu. The results indicate passivity in both communities, while in Tartu the engagement seems to be alarmingly low. Furthermore, Tartu parents have much less institutional opportunities to engage. In the United States, multilevel efforts to engage parents are visible from local to federal level, in Estonia similar intentions seem to be missing and meaningful parental organizations do not exist. In terms of civic education there is much room for development in both countries. The road will be longer for a young democracy Estonia in transforming its institutional systems from formally democratic to inherently inclusive.