Wstępne uwagi o powszechnym głosowaniu korespondencyjnym w wyborach prezydenckich w 2015 r. (wybrane zagadnienia)

Instytucja mężów zaufania, często określana mianem „niemych obserwatorów wyborów”, traktowana jest z dużym dystansem i budzi wśród przedstawicieli doktryny prawa konstytucyjnego, jak również świata polityki, wiele wątpliwości. Zadaniem mężów zaufania jest reprezentowanie podczas wyborów interesu kandydata, bądź listy kandydatów, przed komisją wyborczą i czuwanie nad prawidłowym przebiegiem czynności wyborczych, w tym przede wszystkim zliczaniem głosów i ustalaniem wyników wyborów. Ma zatem istotne znaczenie dla zapewnienia rzetelności i uczciwości procedur wyborczych, jak również poszanowania podstawowych zasad prawa wyborczego, w szczególności zasady powszechności i wolności wyborów oraz tajności głosowania. Niestety w Kodeksie wyborczym uregulowana jest stosunkowo fragmentarycznie, zaś jej dookreślenie znajduje się w wytycznych Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej. Przed wyborami pojawiają się również różne (opracowywane najczęściej przez partie polityczne) instrukcje, określane także mianem vademecum, czy poradniki dla mężów zaufania, których treść może budzić wątpliwości. Wywołuje to potrzebę debaty przedstawicieli doktryny i polityków nad funkcjami i konstrukcją prawną instytucji mężów zaufania w polskim prawie wyborczym, jak i stosownymi jego zmianami.

Fast-Track Authority and International Trade Negotiations

Fast Track Authority (FTA) is the institutional procedure in the Unites States whereby Congress grants to the President the power to negotiate international trade agreements. Under FTA, Congress can only approve or reject negotiated trade deals, with no possibility of amending them. In this paper, we examine the determinants of FTA voting decisions and the implications of this institutional procedure for trade negotiations. We describe a simple two-country trade model, in which industries are unevenly distributed across con- stituencies. In the foreign country, trade negotiating authority is delegated to the executive, while in the home country Congress can retain the power to amend trade agreements. We show that legislators’ FTA voting behavior depends on the trade policy interests of their own constituencies as well as those of the majority of Congress. Empirical analysis of the determinants of all FTA votes between 1974 (when fast track was first introduced) and 2002 (when it was last granted) provides strong support for the predictions of our model.

Democratic Peace and Electoral Accountability

One of the few stylized facts in international relations is that democracies, unlike autoc- racies, very rarely fight each other. We examine the sustainability of international peace between democracies and autocracies, where the crucial difference between these two po- litical regimes is whether or not policymakers are subject to periodic elections. We show that the fear of losing office can deter democratic leaders from engaging in military con- flicts. Crucially, this discipline effect can only be at work if incumbent leaders can be re-elected, implying that democracies in which the executives are subject to term limits should be more conflict prone. To assess the validity of our predictions, we construct a large dataset on countries with executive term limits. Our analysis of inter-state conflicts for the 1816-2001 period suggests that electoral incentives are indeed behind the democratic peace phenomenon: while democratic dyads are in general less likely to be involved in conflicts than any other dyads, this result does not hold for democracies in which the executive faces binding term limits; moreover, the dispute patterns of democracies with term limits depend on whether the executive is in the last or penultimate mandate.

The Demobilized Body: Transgressions of Personal Space and Political Participation

Grounded in the intersection between gender politics and electoral studies, this dissertation examines the demobilizing effects of violations of personal space (in the form of domestic violence, control over mobility, emotional abuse, and sexual harassment) on the propensity to vote. Using quantitative methods across four survey datasets concerning Lebanon, the United States, Morocco, and Yemen, this research concludes that cross-regionally, familial control over mobility reduces the propensity to vote among women. Conversely, mechanisms of empowerment such as education and employment increase the propensity to vote.

Política pública para o idoso : um estudo da cidadania no Grupo Cabelos de Neve do Programa Conviver em Campina Grande-PB

The main objective of the study about the citizenship development in elderly attended by the Conviver Program of the City Hall of Campina Grande in Paraiba, Brazil was to evaluate how the actions of the Program contribute for the citizenship practice according to the users. The Citizenship analyzed is the existence of political, civil and social rights according to Marshall. For that it was utilized a descriptive research and a study of case based on technical procedure. The research was settled by the people who are benefited by the Conviver Program of the Snow Hair Group and the sample was formed by the active participants that it is in the Group for over ten years, corresponding to a total of ten elderly. For the data collection was utilized basic questionnaire in function of the low schooling of the interviewed, according to Marshall (2002) theory about the citizenship construction from each person. It was utilized the methodological procedure proposed by Bardin (2006), categorical analysis, in the qualitative data analysis, that was divided in four parts. In relation to Political Rights, noted that the program has stimulated your Watched on the exercise of voting and being voted. On the Civil Rights was observed that the Program has given incentive to actions which provide the users the justice rights in and in occupational activities as a job. In relation to Social Rights it was observed that the Conviver Program has contributed in order that its users can lead their lives according to the standards imposed by the society, which have being failed in the education area. As for the type of citizenship it was verified that the Program has given incentive to the served users, becoming more evidence on the speech basis

The New Voter in Western Europe: France and Beyond

This book presents the main results of an electoral panel study which is both unique and innovative not only in French political research but also among Western European electoral studies. The survey was conducted among a sample of 1,846 French voters interviewed on four separate occasions (2007 Presidential and Legislative elections). Electoral trajectories can thus be observed revealing the main trends in electoral behaviour and voting patterns across the electorate. The analysis of such trajectories and patterns mobilizes not only the usual explanatory factors (demographics, political leanings and identifications) but also another set of political variables (issues, the campaign and the media, the candidates' image, how electoral decisions are made, hesitation in voting intentions).This study also provides interesting findings on electoral volatility, including abstention. (Résumé éditeur)

One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation

In elections, majority divisions pave the way to focal manipulations and coordination failures, which can lead to the victory of the wrong candidate. This paper shows how this flaw can be addressed if voter preferences over candidates are sensitive to information. We consider two potential sources of divisions: majority voters may have similar preferences but opposite information about the candidates, or opposite preferences. We show that when information is the source of majority divisions, Approval Voting features a unique equilibrium with full information and coordination equivalence. That is, it produces the same outcome as if both information and coordination problems could be resolved. Other electoral systems, such as Plurality and Two-Round elections, do not satisfy this equivalence. The second source of division is opposite preferences. Whenever the fraction of voters with such preferences is not too large, Approval Voting still satisfies full information and coordination equivalence.

‘DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF HIS RACE’: BLACK OFFICEHOLDERS AND THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF FREEDOM IN WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, 1865-1877

This dissertation examines black officeholding in Wilmington, North Carolina, from emancipation in 1865 through 1876, when Democrats gained control of the state government and brought Reconstruction to an end. It considers the struggle for black office holding in the city, the black men who held office, the dynamic political culture of which they were a part, and their significance in the day-to-day lives of their constituents. Once they were enfranchised, black Wilmingtonians, who constituted a majority of the city’s population, used their voting leverage to negotiate the election of black men to public office. They did so by using Republican factionalism or what the dissertation argues was an alternative partisanship. Ultimately, it was not factional divisions, but voter suppression, gerrymandering, and constitutional revisions that made local government appointive rather than elective, Democrats at the state level chipped away at the political gains black Wilmingtonians had made.

Social Mobility and Demand for Redistribution. A Comparative Analysis

The literature on preferences for redistribution has paid little attention to the effect of social mobility on the demand for redistribution, which is in contrast with the literature on class-voting, where studies on the effect of social mobility has been very common. Some works have addressed this issue but no systematic test of the hypotheses connecting social mobility and preferences has been done. In this paper we use the diagonal reference models to estimate the effect of origin and destination class on preferences for redistribution in a sample of European countries using data from the European Social Survey. Our findings indicate that social origin matters to a little extent to explain preferences, as newcomers tend to adopt the preferences of the destination class. Moreover, we have found only limited evidence supporting the acculturation hypothesis and not support for the status maximization hypothesis. Furthermore, the effect of social origin varies largely between countries. In a second step of the analysis we investigate what are the national factors explaining this variation. The empirical evidence we present leads to conclude that high rates of upward social mobility sharply reduce the effect of social origin on preferences for redistribution

Three Essays on Dual-Class Stock Structure

Dual-class stock structure is characterized by the separation of voting rights and cash flow rights. The departure from a common “one share-one vote” configuration creates ideal conditions for conflicts of interest and agency problems between controlling insiders (the holders of voting rights) and remaining shareholders. The owners of voting rights have the opportunity to extract private benefits and act in their personal interest; as a result, dual-class firms are often perceived to have low transparency and high information asymmetry. This dissertation investigates the quality of information and the information environment of firms with two classes of stock. The first essay examines the quality of information by studying accruals in dual-class firms in comparison to firms with only one class of stock. The results suggest that the quality of accruals is better in dual-class firms than in single-class firms. In addition, the difference in the quality of accruals between firms that abolish their dual-class share structure by unification and singe-class firms disappears in the post-unification period. The second essay investigates the earnings informativeness of dual-class firms by examining the explanatory power of earnings for returns. The results indicate that the earnings informativeness is lower for dual-class firms as compared to single-class firms. Earnings informativeness improves in firms that unify their shares. The third essay compares the level of information asymmetry between dual-class firms and single-class firms. It is documented that the information environment for dual-class firms is worse than for single-class firms. Also, the finding suggests that the difference in information environment between dual-class firms and single-class firms disappears after dual-class stock unification.

Off-line and On-line Affective Recognition of a Computer User through A Biosignal Processing Approach

Physiological signals, which are controlled by the autonomic nervous system (ANS), could be used to detect the affective state of computer users and therefore find applications in medicine and engineering. The Pupil Diameter (PD) seems to provide a strong indication of the affective state, as found by previous research, but it has not been investigated fully yet. In this study, new approaches based on monitoring and processing the PD signal for off-line and on-line affective assessment (“relaxation” vs. “stress”) are proposed. Wavelet denoising and Kalman filtering methods are first used to remove abrupt changes in the raw Pupil Diameter (PD) signal. Then three features (PDmean, PDmax and PDWalsh) are extracted from the preprocessed PD signal for the affective state classification. In order to select more relevant and reliable physiological data for further analysis, two types of data selection methods are applied, which are based on the paired t-test and subject self-evaluation, respectively. In addition, five different kinds of the classifiers are implemented on the selected data, which achieve average accuracies up to 86.43% and 87.20%, respectively. Finally, the receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curve is utilized to investigate the discriminating potential of each individual feature by evaluation of the area under the ROC curve, which reaches values above 0.90. For the on-line affective assessment, a hard threshold is implemented first in order to remove the eye blinks from the PD signal and then a moving average window is utilized to obtain the representative value PDr for every one-second time interval of PD. There are three main steps for the on-line affective assessment algorithm, which are preparation, feature-based decision voting and affective determination. The final results show that the accuracies are 72.30% and 73.55% for the data subsets, which were respectively chosen using two types of data selection methods (paired t-test and subject self-evaluation). In order to further analyze the efficiency of affective recognition through the PD signal, the Galvanic Skin Response (GSR) was also monitored and processed. The highest affective assessment classification rate obtained from GSR processing is only 63.57% (based on the off-line processing algorithm). The overall results confirm that the PD signal should be considered as one of the most powerful physiological signals to involve in future automated real-time affective recognition systems, especially for detecting the “relaxation” vs. “stress” states.

ACCESS FOR ALL VOTERS In South Carolina

The State Election Commission and your county voter registration and elections office work to ensure every voter has full access to the voting process. This paper explains assistance in voting, curbside voting, voter registration, the design of the voting machine and how to get additional information regarding voting.

El voto electrónico en Colombia: análisis de viabilidad de su implementación

La implementación del voto electrónico en Colombia, mandato legal originado en la Ley 892 de 2004 en desarrollo del artículo 258 de la Constitución Política de Colombia, es el tema del presente trabajo, en el cual se hace un compendio histórico de la evolución del voto en Colombia, pasando a establecer los avances en el cumplimiento de la llamada por muchos “Ley de Voto Electrónico”, haciendo un recorrido por las actividades realizadas por la Organización Electoral, en especial, por la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil, entidad gubernamental cabeza del proceso, donde se han cumplido algunas tareas encaminadas inicialmente a la realización de la prueba piloto que permita tomar experiencias para la implementación de dicho mecanismo. Así mismo, se hace una descripción de las dificultades tanto en Colombia como en otros países del mundo que han implementado el voto electrónico o lo están considerando. Un aspecto fundamental en el análisis son los estudios que tanto defensores como contradictores de este mecanismo de votación hacen, encontrando que con la misma fuerza se defiende y se ataca y que no hay una posición única, quizá la coincidencia está en que es un proceso que requiere de un alto grado de confianza de los actores involucrados, puesto que es lo que logra legitimarlo. Finalizando con las conclusiones, que dan cuenta de la realidad respecto a la viabilidad de la implementación del voto electrónico en Colombia.

La democracia ¿Para qué? Jóvenes, gobierno escolar y socialización política. El caso de los egresados de un colegio público de la localidad de San Cristóbal

En el año 2014 se cumplieron 20 años de la Ley 115. Uno de los aportes de la Ley fue dar forma y reconocimiento al gobierno escolar como mecanismo de participación y decisión en las instituciones educativas. Es así como en el ámbito de la educación media y básica, el gobierno escolar ha sido visto, entre otros por el Estado, como una apuesta por la ciudadanización de los jóvenes y una forma de favorecer su integración al sistema democrático del país. Sin embargo, la literatura ha sido bastante crítica con los resultados de la implementación del gobierno escolar. Muchos trabajos concuerdan en señalar que el gobierno escolar está contribuyendo a la reproducción de la cultura política y no a su trasformación. El presente trabajo intenta aportar en esta discusión rastreando y analizando las diferencias entre las actitudes políticas de jóvenes egresados participantes y no participantes en el gobierno escolar de un colegio público de una localidad pobre de Bogotá, la localidad de San Cristóbal. Con este trabajo se pretende ampliar la comprensión sobre los procesos de socialización política de estos actores sociales, así como brindar luces sobre la influencia que puede tener el gobierno escolar en la construcción de actitudes hacia lo político. Este trabajo señala la relevancia de tomar una perspectiva biográfica, que tome en cuenta los vínculos entre los distintos espacios de socialización en los que se desarrollan esta población y en los que se forman actitudes políticas duraderas: miradas sobre la política, probabilidad de votar, etc.

Gastrodiplomacia como herramienta de política exterior. estudio de caso: Perú

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la manera mediante la cual Perú ha incor- porado la gastrodiplomacia a su estrategia de diplomacia cultural como componente de su política exterior. Con el fin de cumplir este propósito, se va a defender que desde el 2008 el país Inca ha incorporado la gastrodiplomacia a su estrategia de diplomacia cultural em- pleando dos herramientas. Primero, a través de su Plan de Política Exterior Cultural, en donde se señalan objetivos claros en temas de gastronomía. En segundo lugar, con el uso de su marca país mediante la cual se promociona al Perú como un país atractivo gracias a su amplia oferta gastronómica. El trabajo es de carácter analítico y descriptivo ya que pretende entender la manera en la que Perú incorporó la gastrodiplomacia en su política exterior y describir esos objetivos y características de su Plan de Política Exterior Cultural y de su estrategia de marca país.