Los extranjeros de Buenos Aires en los albores del siglo XIX : Algunos rasgos de su composición

Para el período colonial tardío, Buenos Aires era una ciudad diferente del resto de Hispanoamérica, tanto en términos de su cultura como en sus manifestaciones sociales y en su crecimiento poco común. Bastaron poco más de tres décadas para que la pequeña aldea se transformara en una pujante ciudad hispanoamericana. La clave de esta transformación estuvo dada a lo largo de todo el siglo XVIII, dado que éste fue un período de profundos cambios político-sociales y Buenos Aires no fue la excepción. La ciudad comenzó a cambiar en todos sus aspectos. En primer lugar el conflicto de la España Borbónica con Inglaterra y Portugal llevó a introducir cambios profundos en la política española para el control estricto de las colonias en los bordes del imperio. La creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata en 1776 y la extensión de la ordenanza de libre comercio dos años más tarde otorgaron un gran empuje a la ciudad. De este modo, Buenos Aires pasó a ser un activo polo de atracción tanto para los migrantes internos como para los externos del imperio español. Estos motivos provocaron mutaciones a nivel político, social y arquitectónico, dando lugar a un crecimiento único para una ciudad hispanoamericana entre 1750 y 1810

Los extranjeros de Buenos Aires en los albores del siglo XIX : Algunos rasgos de su composición

Para el período colonial tardío, Buenos Aires era una ciudad diferente del resto de Hispanoamérica, tanto en términos de su cultura como en sus manifestaciones sociales y en su crecimiento poco común. Bastaron poco más de tres décadas para que la pequeña aldea se transformara en una pujante ciudad hispanoamericana. La clave de esta transformación estuvo dada a lo largo de todo el siglo XVIII, dado que éste fue un período de profundos cambios político-sociales y Buenos Aires no fue la excepción. La ciudad comenzó a cambiar en todos sus aspectos. En primer lugar el conflicto de la España Borbónica con Inglaterra y Portugal llevó a introducir cambios profundos en la política española para el control estricto de las colonias en los bordes del imperio. La creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata en 1776 y la extensión de la ordenanza de libre comercio dos años más tarde otorgaron un gran empuje a la ciudad. De este modo, Buenos Aires pasó a ser un activo polo de atracción tanto para los migrantes internos como para los externos del imperio español. Estos motivos provocaron mutaciones a nivel político, social y arquitectónico, dando lugar a un crecimiento único para una ciudad hispanoamericana entre 1750 y 1810

Non-tariff barriers, integration and the transatlantic economy

We examine the potential impact of TTIP through trade-cost reductions, applying a mix of econometric and computational methods to develop estimates of the benefits (and costs) for the EU, United States, and third countries. Econometric results point to an approximate 80% growth in bilateral trade with an ambitious trade agreement. However, at the same time, computable general equilibrium (CGE) estimates highlight distributional impacts across countries and factors not evident from econometrics alone. Translated through our CGE framework, while bilateral trade increases roughly 80%, there is a fall of about 2.5% in trade with the rest of the world in our central case. The estimated gains in annual consumption range between 1% and 2.25% for the United States and EU, respectively. A purely discriminatory agreement would harm most countries outside the agreement, while the direction of third-country effects hinges critically on whether NTB reductions end up being discriminatory or not. Within the United States and EU, while labour gains across skill categories, the impact on farmers is mixed.

Subsidies, Clean Energy, and Climate Change

Estimates show that fossil fuel subsidies average USD 400–600 billion annually worldwide while renewable energy (RE) subsidies amounted to USD 66 billion in 2010 and are predicted to rise to USD 250 billion annually by 2035. Domestic political rationales for energy subsidies include promoting innovation, job creation and economic growth, energy security, and independence. Energy subsidies may also serve social and environmental goals. Whether and to what extent subsidies are effective to achieve these goals or instead lead to market distortions is a matter of much debate and the trade effects of energy subsidies are complex. This paper offers an overview of the types of energy subsidies that are used in the conventional and renewable energy sectors, and their relationship with climate change, in particular greenhouse gas emissions. While the WTO’s Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM) is mostly concerned with harm to competitors, this paper considers the extent to which the Agreement could also discipline subsidies that cause harm to the environment as a global common. Beyond the existing legal framework, this paper surveys a number of alternatives for improving the ability of subsidies disciplines to internalize climate change costs of energy production and consumption. One option is a new multilateral agreement on subsidies or trade remedies (with an appropriate carve-out in the WTO regime to allow for it if such an agreement is concluded outside it). Alternatively, climate change-related subsidies could be included as part of another multilateral regime or as part of regional agreements. A third approach would be to incorporate rules on energy subsidies in sectorial agreements, including a Sustainable Energy Trade Agreement such as has been proposed in other ICTSD studies.

Empirical global value chain analysis in electronics and automobile industries :An application of Asian international input-output tables

This study aims to examine the international value distribution structure among major East Asian economies and the US. The mainstream trade theory explains the gains from trade; however, global value chain (GVC) approach emphasises uneven benefits of globalization among trading partners. The present study is mainly based on this view, examining which economy gains the most and which the least from the East Asian production networks. Two key industries, i.e., electronics and automobile, are our principle focus. Input-output method is employed to trace the creation and flows of value-added within the region. A striking fact is that some ASEAN economies increasingly reduce their shares of value-added, taken by developed countries, particularly by Japan. Policy implications are discussed in the final section.

Normative Influences of "Special and Differential Treatment" on North-South RTAs

Recently, there has been a surge in bilateral and regional trade arrangements between developed and developing countries, which are known as North-South RTAs. Under the current legal system of the WTO, North-South RTAs are governed by Article XXIV of the GATT or Article V of the GATS, which means such RTAs must be reciprocal and must cover substantially all the trade. On the other hand, there is another category of rules on RTAs based on the so-called Enabling Clause, which, in exceptional circumstances, provides special and differential treatment (SDT) for RTAs among developing countries. This paper considers the applicability of the SDT concept to North-South RTAs by examining why rules on RTAs and the concept of SDT were incorporated into the GATT/WTO legal framework so as to permit the derogation of most-favored-nation (MFN) obligations.

Impacts of FTA utilization on firm performance

The international export and investment activities of firms have been widely studied by scholars. In particular, prior studies have focused on two main hypotheses about firms engaged in international activities such as exporting and investing abroad; namely, self-selection of more productive firms into international activities and learning-by-doing international activities. This paper is the first study that explores these hypotheses in regard to firms’ use of free trade agreements (FTAs). We first estimate the propensity score for firms’ use of FTA schemes, and find that larger firms are more likely to participate. Then, by conducting matching analysis using the propensity scores, we find that the use of FTA schemes does not change employment in firms, but does result in more local inputs used and increased exports.

Corn Liberalization in Mexico: The Effects of Neoliberal Policies on Campesino Food Security

Mexico has a long history of structuralized violence against its most vulnerable socioeconomic strata, the peasantry, also referred to as Campesinos. From the Spanish invasion, to the contemporary neoliberal development project, corn production has been intimately associated with disparate power relations both within Mexican society, and without, particularly in relations with the United States. This study sheds light on the incongruities of modernism implicit within neoliberal policy instruments such as Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) and free trade agreements. It will demonstrate that while such policies benefit some, they principally exacerbate existing power disparities via disarticulated trade economics, subordinating rather than liberating Mexico's most vulnerable citizenry.

Legal, Ethical and Cultural Issues U.S. companies face when moving operations to China.

Beyond free trade agreements governing cross-border commerce, the source of most global economic growth is attributed to business across interconnecting markets. Among the most attractive and complex markets, China stands out. Despite its appeal, American businesses are more likely to fail in China due to an overwhelming desire for an immediate return on investment while neglecting to consider or completely disregarding China's unique legal, ethical and cultural environment. This capstone project will give recommendations to help businesses succeed when entering China and avoid legal, ethical and cultural issues such as the ones that Google, Apple, and Yahoo experienced.

Central & Eastern Africa, 1889 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: The African news map of Central Africa with Powell's radial key showing approximate distances and directions from Leopoldville & Kimpoko, on Stanley Pool. It was published by African news in 1889. Scale 1:6,336,000. Covers portions of Central & Eastern Africa.The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Africa Sinusoidal projected coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, shoreline features, the Congo Free Trade Area, Baptist missionary stations, proposed railway lines, areas of colonial influence, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Includes insets: Part of Southern Africa -- Africa -- Delta of the Nile -- Map of Liberia -- Loanda -- Coanza River, etc. -- [Map of sea routes between Europe, Africa and Northern America] -- Bishop Taylor's missions on the lower Congo and a View of the pyramids from the Nile.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

Mutual perceptions of Asia and the EU/Europe. Media, elite and public opinion in Singapore and Germany. EU Centre in Singapore Working Paper No. 12, December 2012

In an increasingly interlinked and interdependent world, Europe and Asia are key players. Free trade agreements (FTAs), such as the ones the EU concluded with South Korea and Singapore, are indicative of strong mutual economic interests. It is therefore timely to take a closer look at the mutual perceptions of Asians and Europeans – not only at the governmental and policymaking levels, but also in terms of public opinion and the media. Drawing on data from an extensive research project led by the National Centre for Research on Europe (NCRE), New Zealand, the empirical study in this paper assesses the mutual perceptions of the EU/Europe and Asia, and their respective actors, focusing on two countries – Germany and Singapore. It seeks to do so through an analysis of the data collected from print and broadcast media, interviews with media practitioners, and the findings from public opinion surveys.

Towards a new multilateral energy architecture? Security Policy Brief No. 39, October 2012

From climate change over peak oil to the geopolitical scramble for the Arctic, there are ample signs that a global energy crisis is unfolding. The sheer scale and urgency of this looming crisis calls for international coordination. Yet, even a cursory look at the existing international energy institutions leads to a sobering conclusion: the global energy governance architecture is weak, fragmented and incomplete. This policy brief discusses both the flaws in the multilateral energy architecture and some emerging ideas to strengthen it, such as the proposal for a Sustainable Energy Trade Agreement and the new American disclosure rules for the extractive sector.

Taking its place in Europe – Iceland’s long road to its EU application. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper 03/2013

Iceland applied for EU membership in 2009. Before that it had sought to alleviate pressures on her to fully integrate with Europe firstly by pursuing limited integration through membership of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and later by joining the European Economic Area (EEA). This paper traces the steps taken by this peripheral European country from its struggle of independence from Denmark, through World War II, American occupation, the founding of a republic, NATO membership and the Cod Wars with Britain. The paper analyses the various phases of the debate on the ties to the European institutions leading to EEA and Schengen membership, the “miraculous economic success“ which ended in the epic crash of 2008 which precipitated a much contested EU application.

Germany and the Eastern Partnership. OSW Commentary No. 37, 2010-06-17

Germany perceives the Eastern Partnership as an initiative that is conducive to German interests, but at the same time as one that could undermine them. Berlin would like the Eastern Partnership to be an instrument that brings the partner countries closer to the EU economically but not politically. Germany has opted for a tightening of the economic cooperation with the partner countries, by signing deals on deep free trade areas and harmonising part of the legislation of these countries with the acquis communautaire. On the other hand, Germany does not want the Eastern Partnership to evolve and turn into an initiative that offers the partner countries prospects of membership and antagonises Russia. Therefore Germany is trying to counteract any elements of the Eastern Partnership that would help it develop in the aforementioned direction. Moreover, Germany has set its own bilateral cooperation with partner countries in the east above the joint projects of the Eastern Partnership. In doing so, Berlin’s guiding principle is that German money allocated for the projects on development cooperation in the east should bring political and economic benefits first of all to Germany.

Tug-of-war over EU's policy towards its neighbours. OSW Commentary No. 49, 2011-03-09

The revolutions in North Africa, the approaching end of the ‘strategic review’ of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) initiated by the European Commission, and the beginning of negotiations on the European Union’s new financial perspective, have intensified the debate among the member states and EU institutions on what policy the EU will adopt towards its neighbourhood in the future. The discussion concerns not only the shape of the ENP but also non-ENPI foreign policy instruments which Brussels applies towards neighbouring countries, such as the thematic instruments and loan support. Serious differences of opinion have emerged among the member states. The countries located in the southern part of the EU want Brussels to boost its policy towards North Africa, even at the expense of engagement in Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus. Meanwhile Central European countries, including Germany, favour a more balanced approach towards both directions. The future shape of the ENP, as well as the EU’s other foreign policy instruments, will have a strong impact on the approach the EU adopts towards its Eastern neighbourhood. If some of the proposals are realised, especially the southern member states’ request to transfer some of the funds from the Eastern to the Southern neighbourhood, the chances of meeting the Eastern Partnership goals, such as the association of the partner countries with the EU and the creation of deep and comprehensive free trade areas, could be reduced.