834 resultados para Ticuna Ethnicity
Resumo:
The dissertation is structured in three parts. The first part compares US and EU agricultural policies since the end of WWII. There is not enough evidence for claiming that agricultural support has a negative impact on obesity trends. I discuss the possibility of an exchange in best practices to fight obesity. There are relevant economic, societal and legal differences between the US and the EU. However, partnerships against obesity are welcomed. The second part presents a socio-ecological model of the determinants of obesity. I employ an interdisciplinary model because it captures the simultaneous influence of several variables. Obesity is an interaction of pre-birth, primary and secondary socialization factors. To test the significance of each factor, I use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health. I compare the average body mass index across different populations. Differences in means are statistically significant. In the last part I use the National Survey of Children Health. I analyze the effect that family characteristics, built environment, cultural norms and individual factors have on the body mass index (BMI). I use Ordered Probit models and I calculate the marginal effects. I use State and ethnicity fixed effects to control for unobserved heterogeneity. I find that southern US States tend have on average a higher probability of being obese. On the ethnicity side, White Americans have a lower BMI respect to Black Americans, Hispanics and American Indians Native Islanders; being Asian is associated with a lower probability of being obese. In neighborhoods where trust level and safety perception are higher, children are less overweight and obese. Similar results are shown for higher level of parental income and education. Breastfeeding has a negative impact. Higher values of measures of behavioral disorders have a positive and significant impact on obesity, as predicted by the theory.
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La ricerca nasce da un lavoro di campo condotto nella provincia turca di Iğdır, un altopiano al confine con l'Armenia e il Nakhichevan, vicino alla Georgia e all'Iran, ma morfologicamente isolato dal resto della Turchia. Dopo due secoli alquanto turbolenti, la società locale è oggi caratterizzata dalla presenza di un’ampia componente turco-azera (sciita) e di un’altrettanto ampia componente turco-curda (sunnita shafiita). Inizialmente, la ricerca propone un’analisi diacronica di alcune rappresentazioni europee dell’altopiano, con particolare attenzione alle migrazioni (James Clifford, 1997, Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century), ai confini, ai limiti e alle frontiere, quest’ultime intese come orizzonti dell’immaginario (Vincent Crapanzano, 2003, Imaginative Horizons: An Essay in Literary-Philosophical Anthropology). Quindi, prendendo spunto dall’inserimento nella società di Iğdır di un insegnante originario della Turchia centrale, analizzo la pratica dello spazio pubblico come fenomenologia delle forme di appartenenza e di resistenza ai gruppi locali. In questa sezione, dopo un capitolo di disamina dell’etnia azera, lo studio affronta i modi di abitare il territorio, con una prospettiva che unisce il centro urbano di Iğdır e, attraverso una fitta rete stradale e sociale, il paese di Ortaköy — alla cui analisi dell'organizzazione sociale dello spazio, delle forme di appartenenza e di resistenza, dedico l’ultima riflessione.
Resumo:
Varcare le frontiere della Storia attraverso le storie personali dei suoi personaggi ha sempre affascinato la sensibilità creatrice di Anita Desai, i cui romanzi possono essere considerati un interessante esempio di letteratura di confine, che riesce nel difficile compito di misurarsi, con eleganza e sensibilità, nella rappresentazione delle più feroci forme di marginalizzazione. Proponendo un dialogo tra alterità, che apre alle complessità storico-culturali in maniera del tutto a-ideologica e imparziale, la scrittrice indoinglese procede alla “provincializzazione” dell’India attraverso le numerose ambivalenze prodotte nelle zone frontaliere analizzate. Dalla rappresentazione della frontiera identitaria esterna, ovvero dall’ambivalente rapporto intrattenuto con il colonizzatore/ex-colonizzatore inglese, alla rappresentazione della frontiera identitaria interna, ovvero l’analisi delle contraddittorie relazioni tra le componenti etniche del subcontinente, Desai arriva infine a problematizzare storie di ambivalenti processi di marginalizzazione prodotti da mondi culturali così diversi come la Germania nazista, o gli indiani Huichol del lontano Messico, tracciando geografie culturali inedite della grande ragnatela della Storia. Desai riesce così a recuperare voci liminali spesso trascurate dalla postcolonialità stessa, per riconfigurarle in un’esplorazione profonda del comune destino dell’umanità, voci straniate e stranianti che acquisiscono un vero e proprio status di agency discorsiva, proiettando la sua scrittura verso una dimensione cosmopolitica. L’opera di Desai diventa indubbiamente un’opportunità concreta per scorgere nella differenza l’universalità di una comune umanità, vale a dire un’opportunità per vedere nell’alterità un’identità ribaltata.
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Since 1900, the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria have put its ethnic history at work in the construction of its identity in Nigeria. The exercise resulted in the creation of ethno-nationalist movements and the practice of ethnic politics, often expressed through violent attacks on the Nigerian State and some ethnic groups in Nigeria. Relying on mythological attachment to its traditions and subjective creation of cultural pride, the people created a sense of history that established a common interest among different Yoruba sub-groups in form of pan-Yoruba interest which forms the basis for the people’s imagination of nation. Through this, historical consciousness and socio-political space in which Yoruba people are located acted as instrumental forces employed by Yoruba political elites, both at colonial and post-colonial periods to demand for increasing access to political and economic resources in Nigeria. In form of nationalism, nationalist movements and ethnic politics continued in South-western Nigeria since 1900, yet without resulting to actual creation of an independent Yoruba State up to 2009. Through ethnographic data, the part played by history, tradition and modernity is examined in this paper. While it is concluded that ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics in Yoruba society are constructive agenda dated back to pre-colonial period, it continues to transform both in structure and function. Thus, Yoruba ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics is ambiguous, dynamic and complex, to the extent that it remains a challenge to State actions in Nigeria.
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At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.
Resumo:
This dissertation consists of three papers. The first paper "Ethnicity, Migration and Conflict: Evidence from Contemporary South Africa” exploits some of the institutional changes intervened in South Africa during the end of apartheid to investigate the relationship between ethnic diversity and conflict. I find within-ethnic polarization to be significantly related to the intensity of armed confrontations among black-dominated groups. My investigation thus gives strong and robust empirical support to the theoretical arguments which identify ethnic diversity as one of the determinants of civil conflict. The second chapter, "Pre-Colonial Centralization, Colonial Activities and Development in Latin America", investigates the hypothesis that pre-colonial ethnic institutions shaped contemporary regional development in Latin America. I document a strong and positive relationship between pre-colonial centralization and regional development. Results are in line with the view that highly centralized pre-colonial societies acted as a persistent force of agglomeration of economic activities and a strong predictor of colonial state capacity. The results provide a first evidence of the existence of a link between pre-colonial centralization, colonial institutional arrangements and contemporary economic development. The third paper "Bite and Divide: Malaria and Ethnic Diversity” investigates the role of malaria as a fundamental determinant of modern ethnic diversity. This paper explores the hypothesis, that a large exposure to malaria has fostered differential interactions that reduced contacts between groups and increased interactions within them Results document that malaria increases the number of ethnic groups at all levels of spatial disaggregation and time periods (exploiting historical and current ethnic diversity). Regressions' results show that endogamous marriages are more frequent in areas with higher geographic suitability to malaria. The results are in line with the view that malaria increases intra-ethnic interactions while decreasing inter-ethnic ones.
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In this work, I will try to provide an insightful and accessible analysis of Funny Boy, a coming-of-age novel by Sri Lankan Canadian author Shyam Selvadurai. I will provide a brief biography of the author and a concise outline of the historical context. Subsequently, after discussing the novel's structure and its main characteristics, I will proceed to analyze the significance of the novel's title and the role played by ethnicity and sexuality as equivalent sources of alienation, both individually and through their combined agency. To that end, I will focus on what I consider to be the most salient episodes of the novel that, in my opinion, best exemplify the sense of alienation that any individual belonging to a minority group experiences at some point in their lives in mainstream society.
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OBJECTIVE: To retrospectively evaluate the craniofacial morphology of children with a complete unilateral cleft lip and palate treated with a 1-stage simultaneous cleft repair performed in the first year of life. METHODS: Cephalograms and extraoral profile photographs of 61 consecutively treated patients (42 boys, 19 girls) who had been operated on at 9.2 (SD, 2.0) months by a single experienced surgeon were analyzed at 11.4 (SD, 1.5) years. The noncleft control group comprised 81 children (43 boys and 38 girls) of the same ethnicity at the age of 10.4 (SD, 0.5) years. RESULTS: In children with cleft, the maxilla and mandible were retrusive; the palatal and mandibular planes were more open, and sagittal maxillomandibular relationship was less favorable in comparison to noncleft control subjects. Soft tissues in patients with cleft reflected retrusive morphology of hard tissues--subnasal and supramental regions were less convex, profile was flatter, and nasolabial angle was more acute relative to those of the control subjects. CONCLUSIONS: Craniofacial morphology after 1-stage repair was deviated in comparison with noncleft control subjects. However, the degree of deviation was comparable with that found after treatment with alternative surgical protocols.
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Background There is an ongoing debate as to whether combined antiretroviral treatment (cART) during pregnancy is an independent risk factor for prematurity in HIV-1-infected women. Objective The aim of the study was to examine (1) crude effects of different ART regimens on prematurity, (2) the association between duration of cART and duration of pregnancy, and (3) the role of possibly confounding risk factors for prematurity. Method We analysed data from 1180 pregnancies prospectively collected by the Swiss Mother and Child HIV Cohort Study (MoCHiV) and the Swiss HIV Cohort Study (SHCS). Results Odds ratios for prematurity in women receiving mono/dual therapy and cART were 1.8 [95% confidence interval (CI) 0.85–3.6] and 2.5 (95% CI 1.4–4.3) compared with women not receiving ART during pregnancy (P=0.004). In a subgroup of 365 pregnancies with comprehensive information on maternal clinical, demographic and lifestyle characteristics, there was no indication that maternal viral load, age, ethnicity or history of injecting drug use affected prematurity rates associated with the use of cART. Duration of cART before delivery was also not associated with duration of pregnancy. Conclusion Our study indicates that confounding by maternal risk factors or duration of cART exposure is not a likely explanation for the effects of ART on prematurity in HIV-1-infected women.
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Using findings from a qualitative investigation based on in-depth email interviews with 47 Black and South Asian gay men in Britain, this paper explores the cross-cutting identities and discourses in relation to being both gay and from an ethnic minority background. Taking an intersectional approach, detailed accounts of identity negotiation, cultural pressures, experiences of discrimination and exclusion and the relationship between minority ethnic gay men and mainstream White gay culture are presented and explored. The major findings common to both groups were: cultural barriers limiting disclosure of sexuality to family and wider social networks; experiences of discrimination by White gay men that included exclusion as well as objectification; a lack of positive gay role models and imagery relating to men from minority ethnic backgrounds. Among South Asian gay men, a major theme was regret at being unable to fulfil family expectations regarding marriage and children, while among Black gay men, there was a strong belief that same-sex behaviour subverted cultural notions related to how masculinity is configured. The paper concludes by highlighting the importance of social location, particularly education and income, when examining the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality in future research.
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Recent demographic changes have made settlement patterns in the Canadian Arctic increasingly urban. Iqaluit, capital of Canada’s newest territory, Nunavut, is home to the largest concentration of Inuit and non-Inuit populations in the Canadian North. Despite these trends, Inuit cultural identity continues to rest heavily on the perception that to learn how to be authentically Inuit (or to be a better person), a person needs to spend time out on the land (and sea) hunting, fishing, trapping, and camping. Many Inuit also maintain a rather negative view of urban spaces in the Arctic, identifying them as places where Inuit values and practices have been eclipsed by Qallunaat (‘‘white people’’) ones. Some Inuit have even gone so far as to claim that a person is no longer able to be Inuit while living in towns like Iqaluit. This article examines those aspects of Canadian Inuit identity, culture, and tradition that disfavor the acceptance of an urban cultural identity. Based on ethnographic research conducted on Baffin Island in the mid 1990s and early 2000s, the many ways Iqaluit and outpost camp Inuit express the differences and similarities between living on the land and living in town are described. Then follows an examination of how the contrast of land and town is used in the rhetoric of Inuit politicians and leaders. Finally, a series of counterexamples are presented that favor the creation of an authentic urban Inuit identity in the Arctic, including recent attempts on the part of the Nunavut Territorial Government to make education and wage employment in the region more reliant on Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, or Inuit traditional knowledge.1
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Based on an ethnographic case study in the border cities of Frankfurt (Oder), Germany and Słubice, Poland, this article explores the construction and maintenance of ethnic difference within the transnational economic and social spaces created by the European Union's common market. Through an examination of three domains of cross-border citizenship practice - shopping and consumption, housing and work - this article argues that even as the European Union deploys policies aimed at creating de-territorialised and supranational forms of identity and citizenship, economic asymmetries and hierarchies of value embedded within these policies grant rights differentially in ways that continue to be linked to ethnicity and nationality.
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Objectives. Latinos are the nation's largest minority group and will double in size by 2050. Their size coupled with the fact that Latinos do not constitute a separate race raises questions about Latinos' incorporation into the U. S. racial hierarchy. This article explores patterns of Latino racial identity formation, examining the determinants of racial identity. Methods. Using the 2006 Latino National Survey, I estimate multinomial logit and ordered probit models of identification choices. Results. Latino racial identity is strongly associated with several factors, including socioeconomic status, measures of perceived discrimination and commonality, and measures of acculturation/assimilation. Most Latinos have a broader, more complex understanding of race. Furthermore, some Latinos do believe that they occupy a unique position in the racial hierarchy. Conclusions. The results suggest that the color line W. E. DuBois argued has long divided our nation may eventually shift.
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This article explores the extent, and possible causes, of income-based biases in representation of citizens by members of the 110th Congress. The author finds that the preferences of wealthier citizens are modestly but significantly better reflected in the choices of their congressional representatives than are the preferences of poorer citizens. More importantly, the author shows that education, political sophistication, political engagement, ethnicity, and other sociodemographic factors can explain only a small part of this representation gap. Biases in representation across income lines appear to be driven by income alone, or at least not by politically relevant factors correlated with income.
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This article offers an analysis of a struggle for control of a women’s development project in Nepal. The story of this struggle is worth telling, for it is rife with the gender politics and neo-colonial context that underscore much of what goes on in contemporary Nepal. In particular, my analysis helps to unravel some of the powerful discourses, threads of interest, and yet unintended effects inevitable under a regime of development aid. The analysis demonstrates that the employment of already available discursive figures of the imperialist feminist and the patriarchal third world man are central to the rhetorical strategies taken in the conflict. I argue that the trans-discursive or “borderland” nature of development in general and women’s development in particular result in different constructions of “development” goals, means and actors based not only on divergent cultural categories but on historically specific cultural politics. I argue further that the apolitical discourse of development serves to cloak its inherently political project of social and economic transformation, making conflicts such as the one that occurred in this case not only likely to occur but also likely to be misunderstood.