996 resultados para Product-harm Crisis


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Western law schools are suffering from an identity and moral crisis. Many of the legal profession's problems can be traced to the law school environment, where students are taught to reason and practice in ways that are often at odds with their own personalities and values and even with generally accepted psychologically healthy practices. The idealism, ethic of care, and personal moral compasses of many students become eroded and even lost in the present legal education system. Formalism, rationalism, elitism, and big business values have become paramount. In such a moment of historical crisis, there exists the opportunity to create a new legal education story. This paper is a conceptual study of both my own Canadian legal education and the general legal education experience. It examines core problems and critiques of the existing Western legal education organizational and pedagogical paradigm to which Canadian law schools adhere. New approaches with the potential to enrich, humanize, and heal the Canadian law school experience are explored. Ultimately, the paper proposes a legal education system that is more interdisciplinary, theoretically and practically integrated, emotionally intelligent, technologically connected, morally accountable, spiritual, and humane. Specific pedagogical and curricular strategies are suggested, and recommendations for the future are offered. The dehumanizing aspects of the law school experience in Canada have rarely been studied. It is hoped that this thesis will fill a gap in the research and provide some insight into an issue that is of both academic and public importance, since the well-being of law students and lawyers affects the interests of their clients, the general public, and the integrity and future of the entire legal system.

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Rates and products of the oxidation of diphenyl sulfide, phenyl methyl sulfide, p-chlorophenyl methyl sulfide and diphenyl sulfoxide have been determined. Oxidants included t-Bu02H alone, t-Bu02H plus molybdenum or vanadium catalysts and the molybdenum peroxo complex Mo0(02)2*HMPT. Reactions were chiefly carried out in ethanol at temperatures ranging from 20° to 65°C. Oxidation of diphenyl sulfide by t-Bu02H in absolute ethanol at 65°C followed second-order kinetics with k2 = 5.61 x 10 G M~1s"1, and yielded only diphenyl sulfoxide. The Mo(C0)g-catalyzed reaction gave both the sulfoxide and the sulfone with consecutive third-order kinetics. Rate = k3[Mo][t-Bu02H][Ph2S] + k^[Mo][t-Bu02H][Ph2S0], where log k3 = 12.62 - 18500/RT, and log k^ = 10.73 - 17400/RT. In the absence of diphenyl sulfide, diphenyl sulfoxide did not react with t-Bu02H plus molybdenum catalysts, but was oxidized by t-Bu02H-V0(acac)2. The uncatalyzed oxidation of phenyl methyl sulfide by t-Bu02H in absolute ethanol at 65°C gave a second-order rate constant, k = 3.48 x 10~"5 M^s""1. With added Mo(C0)g, the product was mainly phenyl methyl sulfoxide; Rate = k3[Mo][t-Bu02H][PhSCH3] where log k3 = 22.0 - 44500/RT. Both diphenyl sulfide and diphenyl sulfoxide react readily with the molybdenum peroxy complex, Mo0(02)2'HMPT in absolute ethanol at 35°C, yielding diphenyl sulfone. The observed features are mainly in agreement with the literature on metal ion-catalyzed oxidations of organic compounds by hydroperoxides. These indicate the formation of an active catalyst and the complexation of t-Bu02H with the catalyst. However, the relatively large difference between the activation energies for diphenyl sulfide and phenyl methyl sulfide, and the non-reactivity of diphenyl sulfoxide suggest the involvement of sulfide in the production of an active species.

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The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.

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This research used a quantitative study approach to investigate the “boy crisis” in Canada. Boy crisis advocates suggest that boys are being surpassed by girls on reading assessments and promote strategies to assist male students. A feminist framework was used in this study that allowed for an investigation and discussion of the factors that mediate between gender and success at reading comprehension, interpretation, and response to text without ignoring female students. Reading scores and questionnaire data compiled by the Pan-Canadian Assessment Program were used in this research, specifically the PCAP-13 2007 assessment of approximately 30,000 13-year-old students from all Canadian provinces and Yukon Territory (CMEC, 2008). Approximately 20,000 participants wrote the reading assessment, while 30,000 students completed the questionnaire responses. Predictor variables were tested using parametric tests such as independent samples t-test, one-way ANOVA, chi-square analysis, and Pearson r. Findings from this study indicate that although boys scored lower than girls on the PCAP-13 2007 reading assessment, factors were found to influence the reading scores of both male and female students to varying degrees. Socioeconomic status, perceptions of the reading material used in language arts classrooms, reading preference, reading interest, parental involvement, parental encouragement for reading, and self-efficacy were all found to affect the reading performance of boys and girls. Relationships between variables were also found and are discussed in this research. The analysis presented in this study allows parents, educators, and policy makers to begin to critically examine and re-evaluate boy crisis literature and offers suggestions on how to improve reading performance for all students of all socioeconomic backgrounds.

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Abstract Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) and the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) founded in 1993 have been under scrutiny for the past two decades. Unlike boxing, the ethical status of MMA and whether it is morally defensible have rarely been analyzed in the academic literature. I argue that MMA requires such an analysis because it is inherently violent. The purpose of this study was to examine elite-level MMA by referring to the ethical concepts of autonomy, paternalism and the Harm Principle. Findings from interviews with MMA athletes as well as my personal experience of MMA were presented to establish a deeper understanding of the sport and what it means to train and compete in a sport defined as violent. The conceptual analysis and findings of MMA athletes' experiences in this investigation resulted in the conclusion that MMA is ethically defensible. Additional findings, implications and recommendations for further research were also discussed.

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Tesis (Maestría en Enfermería, con Especialidad en Salud Comunitaria) UANL

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Tesis (Maestría en Enfermería con Especialidad en Salud Comunitaria) UANL

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Tesis (Maestría en Enfermería con Especialidad en Materno-Infantil: Pediátrica) UANL

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Tesis (Maestro en Ciencias de la Administración con Especialidad en Relaciones Industriales) UANL, 1997

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Tesis (Maestría en Ciencias de la Administración con Especialidad en Relaciones Industriales) U.A.N.L.

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[Tesis] (Maestría en Derecho con Especialidad en Derecho Penal ) U.A.N.L.

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UANL