980 resultados para Political practices


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Legal problems faced by older Iowans are often more critical than those problems faced by any other segment of our population. Older Iowans in poverty are less likely to seek the assistance of an attorney. Often, it is either because they do not have cash resources to pay for services or they do not realize that they have a “legal problem.” The Older Americans Act of 1965 (hereafter, OAA) as amended, which primarily funds the Legal Assistance Program, requires that states have the capacity to improve the quality and quantity of legal programs for older individuals. These Legal Assistance Program Best Practices are meant to provide guidance to providers in the area of priority casework, coordination and collaboration to ensure cohesiveness and uniformity throughout the state’s legal assistance programs. Additionally, Congress mandates that states improve the quality of their Title III-B legal programs. One proven way to ensure a quality program is to have in place best practices to define expectations for not only the legal assistance program provider, but for the state unit on aging (the Iowa Department on Aging) and the area agencies on aging as well. These legal assistance program best practices may be amended from time to time to reflect the change in the legal needs of older Iowans as well as the mandates under the OAA, Iowa Department on Aging (hereafter, department) policy and other governing state and federal laws and regulations.

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Technical Guide to Forestry Practices Manual.

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OBJECTIVE: To identify prevalence of and factors associated with intentional use of HIV risk reduction practices by men who have sex with men during anal intercourse with casual partners. METHODS: Cross-sectional survey pertaining to the Swiss HIV behavioral surveillance system, using an anonymous self-administered questionnaire in a self-selected sample of men who have sex with men (n = 2953). Multinomial regression was used to estimate factors associated with reporting either "no or inconsistent condom use" or "one or more risk reduction practices" over "consistent condom use." RESULTS: 57.2% reported anal intercourse with casual partner(s) over the last 12 months. Of these, 24.0% declared having used a risk reduction practice (73.8% of those who did not use condoms consistently). HIV-positive people were more likely to have done so. Most predictors were similarly associated to both regression categories. Four significant predictors were common to both regression categories: Internet partner seeking, age, age squared, and the interaction between HIV status positive and number of partners. The only association that differed markedly between the 2 regression categories was having a number of partners above median, significantly associated with the risk reduction category. CONCLUSIONS: Although condom use is the most frequent protection strategy in anal intercourse with casual partners, risk reduction practices are highly prevalent. However, there are no clear differences regarding predictors between risk reduction practices and inconsistent or no condom use. This suggests that risk reduction is an opportunistic response rather than a strategy per se.

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We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.

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The volume is divided into two parts; the fi rst deals with issues related to the police, and the second addresses issues related to demonstrators and protesters. We hope that this volume will provide further insight into issues associated with policing at major events and shed light on the complexity of the organisations, motives, and strategies in play whenever protester groups are involved.

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This report summarises the fi eld study results of the project ’Good practice for dialogue and communication as strategic principles for policing political manifestations in Europe’ (GODIAC).1 The overall idea was to integrate operative police work, research and training within the fi eld and to build international and institutional networks, ensuring and recognising the responsibilities of the organisers. The purpose of the GODIAC project was to contribute to the development of a European approach to policing political manifestations.

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In my paper I will present some results about ritual kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an alpine Valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais. There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry about social networks: the existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th century and the availability of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. The starting point of my research focuses on this question: what role did kinship and ritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some other uses and meanings of ritual kinship in the local society. Was ritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for patronage or for privileged social contacts? The analysis highlights the importance of kinship and godparentage for the building of homogeneous social and political networks. If we consider transactions between individuals, the analysis of 19th century Val de Bagnes gives the impression of quite open networks. Men and women tried to diversify their relations in order to avoid strong dependency from powerful patrons. Nevertheless, when we consider the family networks, we can notice that most relations took place in a structured social space or a specific "milieu", were intense contacts enhanced trust, although political allegiances and social choices were not fully predictable on the basis of such preferential patterns. In a politically conflictual society, like 19th century Bagnes, ritual kinship interacted with kinship solidarities and ideological factors shaping dense social networks mostly based on a common political orientation. Such milieus sustained the building of political factions, which show surprising stability over time. In this sense, milieus are important factors to understand political and religious polarization in 19th century Switzerland.