���Fantasia Lusitana���, de Jo��o Canijo: O Portugal ficcional vs. o pa��s real. O Estado Novo e a ���portugalidade���. A constru����o da identidade

ISBN: 978-989-96858-3-3

Media����o Penal Juvenil: um novo paradigma de resposta �� delinqu��ncia

Disserta����o de mestrado em Direito Judici��rio (Direitos Processuais e Organiza����o Judici��ria)

Algumas considera����es acerca da preven����o dos conflitos armados

Sum��rio: 1. A atualidade do tema; 2. A sua consagra����o na Carta das Na����es Unidas; 3. O desenvolvimento de mecanismos de preven����o dos conflitos; 3. 1. O estabelecimento preventivo de for��as internacionais; 3.2. Os sistemas de alerta precoce; 3.3. A cria����o de for��as de interven����o r��pida; 3.4. Medidas de peace-building; 4. Considera����es finais.

On dictatorship, economic development and stability

This paper aims to account for varying economic performances and political stability under dictatorship. We argue that economic welfare and social order are the contemporary relevant factors of political regimes' stability. Societies with low natural level of social order tend to tolerate predatory behavior from dictators in exchange of a provision of civil peace. The fear of anarchy may explain why populations are locked in the worst dictatorships. In contrast, in societies enjoying a relative natural civil peace, dictatorship is less likely to be predatory because low economic welfare may destabilize it.

The European Union Police Mission: The Beginning of a New Future for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU��s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina���s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ���Europeanising��� Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission���s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called ���best European practices��� in police matters.

Intra-Group Competition and Inter-Group Conflict: An Application to Northern Ireland

This paper reviews four economic theories of leadership selection in conflictual settings. The first of these by Cukierman and Tomassi (1998) labeled the ���information rationale���, argues that hawks may actually be necessary to initiate peace agreements. The second labeled the ���bargaining rationale��� borrowing from Hamlin and Jennings (2007) agrees with the conventional wisdom that doves are more likely to secure peace, but post-conflict there are good reasons for hawks to be rationally selected. The third found in Jennings and Roelfsema (2008) is labeled the social psychological rationale. This captures the idea of a competition over which group can form the strongest identity, so can apply to group choices which do not impinge upon bargaining power. As in the bargaining rationale, dove selection can be predicted during conflict, but hawk selection post-conflict. Finally, the expressive rationale is discussed which predicts that regardless of the underlying structure of the game (informational, bargaining, psychological) the large group nature of decision-making by making individual decision makers non-decisive in determining the outcome of elections may cause them to make choices based primarily on emotions which may be invariant with the mode of group interaction, be it conflictual or peaceful. Finally, the paper analyses the extent to which the theories can throw light on Northern Ireland electoral history over the last 25 years.

An Archival Case Study: Revisiting The Life and Political Economy of Lauchlin Currie

This paper forms part of a wider project to show the significance of archival material on distinguished economists, in this case Lauchlin Currie (1902-93), who studied and taught at Harvard before entering government service at the US Treasury and Federal Reserve Board as the intellectual leader of Roosevelt���s New Deal, 1934-39, as FDR���s White House economic adviser in peace and war, 1939-45, and as a post-war development economist. It discusses the uses made of the written and oral material available when the author was writing his intellectual biography of Currie (Duke University Press 1990) while Currie was still alive, and the significance of the material that has come to light after Currie���s death.

A Soft Edge Target Zone Model: Theory And Application To Hong Kong

Hong Kong���s currency is pegged to the US dollar in a currency board arrangement. In autumn 2003, the Hong Kong dollar appreciated from close to 7.80 per US dollar to 7.70, as investors feared that the currency board would be abandoned. In the wake of this appreciation, the monetary authorities revamped the one-sided currency board mechanism into a symmetric two-sided system with a narrow exchange rate band. This paper reviews the characteristics of the new currency board arrangement and embeds a theoretical soft edge target zone model typifying many intermediate regimes, to explain the notable achievement of speculative peace and credibility since May 2005.

Rationalising ���Irrational��� Support for Political Violence

This paper provides a rationale for group support for political violence when violence does not provide a material benefi t. A theory of fairness is adopted to demonstrate that although group violence may not be the equilibrium of a material game it may be a fairness equilibrium in a game containing psychological payoffs. For this to happen the material stakes must be perceived as low and psychological payoffs are expressive. Although the material stakes are actually high, members of each group may choose expressively to support the use of violence because the probability of being decisive is low. The paper also considers the possibility of peace emerging as a fairness equilibrium. This can only happen if each group perceives the other as making some sacrifi ce in choosing peace.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful ��lites and counter-��lites.

��Elecciones en 2009? Avances y obst��culos de la construcci��n de paz en Costa de Marfil

Tres meses de conflicto armado en C��te d'Ivoire en 2002 acabaron con la divisi��n del pa��s en dos regiones, separadas por una l��nea de separaci��n controlada por las francesas Forces Licorne. El proceso de paz se alarg�� en el tiempo y se caracteriz�� por una falta de confianza mutua y por la inmovilidad pol��tica. Estos hechos desembocaron en una situaci��n de impasse y en la permanencia de Laurent Gbagbo en la presidencia del pa��s. Adem��s, los diferentes acuerdos pol��ticos no ayudaron al proceso de construcci��n de paz, ya que no trataban algunos de los problemas principales del pa��s, como la propiedad de las tierras y la identidad. Este documento de trabajo aspira, en primer lugar, a analizar los hechos principales y las causas que originaron el conflicto desde el golpe de estado de 2002. En segundo lugar, el documento analiza el proceso de paz y se��ala los elementos clave del Acuerdo de Paz de Ouagadougou (2007): la creaci��n de una estructura de fuerzas armadas nueva y ��nica, as�� como la identificaci��n de la poblaci��n y la convocatoria de elecciones. El objetivo principal es proporcionar una herramienta de trabajo al Institut Catal�� Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) para enviar una futura comisi��n de observaci��n electoral a este pa��s africano.

Eleccions al 2009? Aven��os i obstacles de la construcci�� de pau a Costa d'Ivori

Tres mesos de conflicte armat a C��te d���Ivoire durant el 2002 acabaren amb la divisi�� del pa��s en dues regions, separades per una l��nia d���interposici�� controlada per les franceses Forces Licorne. El proc��s de pau es perllong�� en el temps i es caracteritz�� per una manca de confian��a m��tua i per una immobilitat pol��tica. Aquests fets desembocaren en una situaci�� d���impasse i en la perman��ncia de Laurent Gbagbo a la presid��ncia del pa��s. A m��s, els diferents acords pol��tics no ajudaren el proc��s de construcci�� de pau, ja que no encaraven alguns dels problemes principals del pa��s, com ara la propietat de les terres i els assumptes d���identitat. Aquest document de treball aspira, en primer lloc, a analitzar els fets principals i les causes que originaren el conflicte des del cop d���estat del 2002. En segon lloc, el document analitza el proc��s de pau i assenyala els elements clau de l���Acord de Pau d���Ouagadougou (2007): la creaci�� d���una estructura de forces armades nova i ��nica, aix�� com la identificaci�� de la poblaci�� i la realitzaci�� d���un proc��s electoral. L���objectiu principal ��s proporcionar una eina de treball a l���Institut Catal�� Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) per enviar una missi�� d���observaci�� electoral a aquest pa��s afric�� el novembre de 2009.

��lections en 2009? Progr��s et obstacles dans la construction de la paix en C��te d'Ivoire

Trois mois de conflit arm�� en C��te d���Ivoire pendant l���ann��e 2002 finirent par provoquer la division du pays en deux r��gions, s��par��es par une ligne d���interposition contr��l��e par les Forces Licorne fran��aises. Le processus de paix se prolongea dans le temps, caract��ris�� par un manque de confiance mutuelle et une immobilit�� politique. Ces faits ont d��bouch�� sur une situation d���impasse et la permanence de Laurent Gbagbo �� la pr��sidence du pays. De plus, les diff��rents accords politiques n���aid��rent pas le processus de construction de la paix, puisqu���ils n���abordaient pas certains probl��mes principaux du pays, comme par exemple la propri��t�� des terres et les sujets concernant l���identit��. Ce document de travail aspire, tout d���abord, �� analyser les faits principaux et les causes qui provoqu��rent le conflit �� partir du coup d�����tat de 2002. En deuxi��me lieu, le document analyse le processus de paix et signale les ��l��ments cl�� de l���Accord de Paix d���Ouagadougou (2007): la cr��ation d���une nouvelle et unique structure des forces arm��es, ainsi que l���identification de la population et la r��alisation d���un processus ��lectoral. L���objectif principal est de fournir un outil de travail �� l���Institut Catalan International pour la Paix (ICIP) afin d���envoyer une mission d���observation ��lectorale dans ce pays africain.

La participaci�� de les dones en els processos de pau: les altres taules

Aquest text mant�� que l���abs��ncia de les dones en els processos de pau no pot ser justificada al��ludint a la seva suposada manca d���experi��ncia en el di��leg i la negociaci��, sin�� que obeeix a la manca de voluntat per a incloure-les-hi. Les dones tenen una ��mplia experi��ncia en processos de di��leg. Han estat capaces de liderar experi��ncies de di��leg en molts contextos de conflicte armat i postb��l��lics, per�� hi ha hagut una manca d���esfor��os deliberada per a integrar-les en els processos de pau formals. Despr��s de presentar el marc de la investigaci��, el text aborda la implicaci�� de les dones en la construcci�� de la pau i analitza el paper jugat per elles en els processos de pau, especialment en els casos de Sri Lanka i Irlanda del Nord. El text conclou afirmant que com que els processos de pau estan tan imbu��ts pel g��nere com els conflictes armats, les dones hi han de ser incloses i la perspectiva de g��nere ha de guiar-les.