807 resultados para Genocide, Patriotic Union, Democratic Values, Historical Memory, Democracy.
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Pós-graduação em Planejamento e Análise de Políticas Públicas - FCHS
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This paper aims to analyze the Constitutionalist Movement in 1932, trying to understand, more specifically, the political end sought by the Front Unique Paulista, on a literal translation, union of the political parties of São Paulo (Republican Party Paulista and Democratic Party). The research is motivated by the need to understand the political project of FUP with the movement and the existing motivations why it was articulated. The comprehension of the constitutionalists' reasons is relevant to understanding the history of the revolution, from its origin to its outcome. Based on literature and its historical analysis, the paper will demonstrate that the Front, with the advent of the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932, had as its main purpose regain political control of the state of São Paulo lost with the revolution of 1930. More than the vaunted concern with the implementation of a new constitution for the nation, the FUP leaders had intended to retrieve the lost power with the movement of 30 and the rise of Getulio Vargas to power. Under a banner to fight for a new constitution and the expected change from a totalitarian and centralized state imposed by Vargas for a more autonomous state, the cause of São Paulo enticed sympathy and support from the community, whose social history always harbored separatist ideas, even that they have never been carried out to its ultimate consequences
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We report new archeointensity data obtained from the analyses of baked clay elements (architectural and kiln brick fragments) sampled in Southeast Brazil and historically and/or archeologically dated between the end of the XVIth century and the beginning of the XXth century AD. The results were determined using the classical Thellier and Thellier protocol as modified by Coe, including partial thermoremanent magnetization (pTRM) and pTRM-tail checks, and the Triaxe protocol, which involves continuous high-temperature magnetization measurements. In both protocols, TRM anisotropy and cooling rate TRM dependence effects were taken into account for intensity determinations which were successfully performed for 150 specimens from 43 fragments, with a good agreement between intensity results obtained from the two procedures. Nine site-mean intensity values were derived from three to eight fragments and defined with standard deviations of less than 8%. The site-mean values vary from similar to 25 mu T to similar to 42 mu T and describe in Southeast Brazil a continuous decreasing trend by similar to 5 mu T per century between similar to 1600 AD and similar to 1900 AD. Their comparison with recent archeointensity results obtained from Northeast Brazil and reduced at a same latitude shows that: (1) the geocentric axial dipole approximation is not valid between these southeastern and northeastern regions of Brazil, whose latitudes differ by similar to 10 degrees, and (2) the available global geomagnetic field models (gufm1 models, their recalibrated versions and the CALSK3 models) are not sufficiently precise to reliably reproduce the non-dipole field effects which prevailed in Brazil for at least the 1600-1750 period. The large non-dipole contribution thus highlighted is most probably linked to the evolution of the South Atlantic Magnetic Anomaly (SAMA) during that period. Furthermore, although our dataset is limited, the Brazilian archeointensity data appear to support the view of a rather oscillatory behavior of the axial dipole moment during the past three centuries that would have been marked in particular by a moderate increase between the end of the XVIIIth century and the middle of the XIXth century followed by the well-known decrease from 1840 AD attested by direct measurements. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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This article discusses the necessary conditions for a democratic government to prevail, with the study Coronelismo: the Municipality and Representative Government in Brazil as the point of departure. The article seeks to identify the book's causal explanations for the emergence of democracy, and more precisely for regimes in which governments lose elections. Why were elections not truly competitive over the course of the Empire and the First Republic? Why did they change after the fall of the Estado Novo? Nunes Leal was one of the few Brazilian authors to explicitly tackle this challenge.
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This study aimed at analyzing the relationship between slow- and fast-alpha asymmetry within frontal cortex and the planning, execution and voluntary control of saccadic eye movements (SEM), and quantitative electroencephalography (qEEG) was recorded using a 20-channel EEG system in 12 healthy participants performing a fixed (i.e., memory-driven) and a random SEM (i.e., stimulus-driven) condition. We find main effects for SEM condition in slow- and fast-alpha asymmetry at electrodes F3-F4, which are located over premotor cortex, specifically a negative asymmetry between conditions. When analyzing electrodes F7-F8, which are located over prefrontal cortex, we found a main effect for condition in slow-alpha asymmetry, particularly a positive asymmetry between conditions. In conclusion, the present approach supports the association of slow- and fast-alpha bands with the planning and preparation of SEM, and the specific role of these sub-bands for both, the attention network and the coordination and integration of sensory information with a (oculo)-motor response. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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This is a research paper in which we discuss “active learning” in the light of Cultural-Historical Activity Theory (CHAT), a powerful framework to analyze human activity, including teaching and learning process and the relations between education and wider human dimensions as politics, development, emancipation etc. This framework has its origin in Vygotsky's works in the psychology, supported by a Marxist perspective, but nowadays is a interdisciplinary field encompassing History, Anthropology, Psychology, Education for example.
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This thesis is aimed at analysing EU external relations from the perspective of the promotion of the rule of law in order to evaluate the effectiveness and consistency of its action within the international community. The research starts with an examination of the notion of the rule of law from a theoretical point of view. The first chapter initially describes the historical-political evolution of the establishment of the notion of the rule of law. Some of the most significant national experiences (France, the UK, Germany and Austria) are discussed. Then, the focus is put on the need to propose interpretations which explain the grounds of the rule of law, by highlighting the different formal and substantive interpretations. This philosophical-historical analysis is complemented by a reconstruction of how the notion of the rule of law was developed by the international community, with a view to searching a common notion at the international level by comparing theory and practice within the main international organisations such as the UN, OECD and the Council of Europe. Specific mention is made of the EU experience, whose configuration as a Community based on the rule of law is often debated, starting from the case law of the European Court of Justice. The second chapter deals with the conditionality policy and focuses on the development and scope of democratic conditionality according to the dominant approach of the doctrine. First, the birth of conditionality is analysed from an economic point of view, especially within international financial organisations and the different types of conditionality recreated in the scientific sector. Then an analysis is provided about the birth of democratic conditionality in the EC – in relation to its external relations – firstly as a mere political exercise to be then turned into a standardised system of clauses. Specific reference is made to the main scope of conditionality, that is to say enlargement policy and the development of the Copenhagen criteria. The third chapter provides further details about the legal questions connected to the use of democratic clauses: on the one hand, the power of the EC to include human rights clauses in international agreements, on the other, the variety and overlapping in the use of the legal basis. The chapter ends with an analysis of the measures of suspension of agreements with third countries in those rare but significant cases in which the suspension clause, included in the Lomè Convention first and in the Cotonou Agreement then, is applied. The last chapter is devoted to the analysis of democratic clauses in unilateral acts adopted by the European Union which affect third countries. The examination of this practice and the comparison with the approach analysed in the previous chapter entails a major theoretical question. It is the clear-cut distinction between conditionality and international sanction. This distinction is to be taken into account when considering the premises and consequences, in terms of legal relations, which are generated when democratic clauses are not complied with. The chapter ends with a brief analysis of what, according to the reconstruction suggested, can be rightly labelled as real democratic conditionality, that is to say the system of incentives, positive measures developed within the community GSP. The dissertation ends with a few general considerations about the difficulties experienced by the EU in promoting the rule of law. The contradictory aspects of the EU external actions are manifold, as well as its difficulties in choosing the most appropriate measures to be taken which, however, reflect all the repercussions and tension resulting from the balance of power within the international community. The thesis argues that it is difficult to grant full credibility to an entity like the EU which, although it proclaims itself as the guardian and promoter of the rule of law, in practice, is too often biased in managing its relations with third countries. However, she adds, we must acknowledge that the EU is committed and constantly strives towards identifying new spaces and strategies of action.
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There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.
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Quello del falso è un problema con cui si sono dovuti confrontare gli specialisti di ogni epoca storica, ma che ha subito un’accelerazione e un’esasperazione con la storia del tempo presente, anche per via della simultanea presenza dei protagonisti che hanno reso più complessa una scena storica e memoriale segnata profondamente dal rapporto tra storici e testimoni e dall’articolazione della memoria pubblica e di quella privata. L’evento che più acutamente ha risentito del problema del falso in età contemporanea è certamente il genocidio degli ebrei compiuto dai nazisti durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale perché è proprio al cuore dell’impresa genocidiaria che è avvenuta la grande falsificazione che ha alimentato qualsiasi successivo discorso revisionista. L’emersione del testimone sulla scena pubblica ha posto pertanto in modo acuto il problema dello statuto della testimonianza rendendo l’analisi del funzionamento della memoria indispensabile per comprendere quanto un testimone sia molto più utile per la descrizione, non tanto del fatto in sé, ma del modo in cui l’evento è stato socialmente codificato, registrato e trasmesso. Il legame tra i casi esaminati, pur nella loro estrema eterogeneità, spaziando da false autobiografie, come quella di Binjamin Wilkomirski, a testi controversi, come quello di Jean-François Steiner, o da racconti contestati, come quelli di Deli Strummer e Herman Rosenblat, a narrazioni che nel tempo hanno subito importanti variazioni, come nel caso Aubrac e nelle vicende del libro di Alcide Cervi, sarà stabilito grazie alla centralità giocata, in ognuno di essi, dalla forma testimoniale e dall’altrettanto fondamentale argomentazione in termini di affaire. Il problema del falso è stato perciò indagato all’interno delle ragioni storiche e culturali che hanno determinato la formazione discorsiva che ha per soggetto il testimone e la testimonianza come più autentico punto di vista sugli eventi del passato con le relative conseguenze sul piano storico e pubblico.
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The present study concerns the acoustical characterisation of Italian historical theatres. It moved from the ISO 3382 which provides the guidelines for the measurement of a well established set of room acoustic parameters inside performance spaces. Nevertheless, the peculiarity of Italian historical theatres needs a more specific approach. The Charter of Ferrara goes in this direction, aiming at qualifying the sound field in this kind of halls and the present work pursues the way forward. Trying to understand how the acoustical qualification should be done, the Bonci Theatre in Cesena has been taken as a case study. In September 2012 acoustical measurements were carried out in the theatre, recording monaural e binaural impulse responses at each seat in the hall. The values of the time criteria, energy criteria and psycho-acoustical and spatial criteria have been extracted according to ISO 3382. Statistics were performed and a 3D model of the theatre was realised and tuned. Statistical investigations were carried out on the whole set of measurement positions and on carefully chosen reduced subsets; it turned out that these subsets are representative only of the “average” acoustics of the hall. Normality tests were carried out to verify whether EDT, T30 and C80 could be described with some degree of reliability with a theoretical distribution. Different results, according to the varying assumptions underlying each test, were found. Finally, an attempt was made to correlate the numerical results emerged from the statistical analysis to the perceptual sphere. Looking for “acoustical equivalent areas”, relative difference limens were considered as threshold values. No rule of thumb emerged. Finally, the significance of the usual representation through mean values and standard deviation, which may be meaningful for normal distributed data, was investigated.
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La presente indagine mira ad esaminare, in chiave innovativa, i rapporti tra l’Europa ed un reato prettamente europeo: il negazionismo. Sviluppatosi in maniera assolutamente predominante nel nostro continente, le ragioni della sua diffusione sono molteplici. Al di là della lotta a razzismo ed antisemitismo, il motivo principale va identificato nel ruolo “fondativo” che riveste la memoria dell’Olocausto in Europa, collocata nel cuore dell’universo valoriale su cui si reggono i due principali attori europei, ovverosia l’Unione europea e la Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo. La ricerca, dunque, ruota attorno a due poli tematici. Da un lato, sono state esaminate le politiche normative dell’Unione europea in materia di razzismo e xenofobia, entro cui spicca la promozione dell’incriminazione del negazionismo “allargato”, cioè esteso alle condotte di negazione non solo dell’Olocausto, ma anche degli altri crimini internazionali. Dall’altro lato, l’analisi della trentennale giurisprudenza della Corte di Strasburgo in materia ha evidenziato come, con riguardo alle manifestazioni negazioniste, sia stato elaborato uno “statuto speciale”, che si risolve nel perentorio diniego di tutela per questa categoria di opinioni, sottratte a monte all’ordinario giudizio di bilanciamento in quanto giudicate incompatibili con i valori sottesi alla CEDU. Lo scopo di questo lavoro riposa nel tentativo di individuare le interazioni tra questi due sistemi istituzionali, per interpretare una tendenza che converge con nettezza verso un incremento della repressione penale della parola. Da questo complesso intreccio di norme e principi, di hard law e soft law, sarà possibile enucleare la natura giuridica ed il contenuto delle richieste di incriminazione rivolte agli Stati membri. Una volta appurato che agli Stati è concesso di restringere il campo di applicazione del reato di negazionismo, adottando degli indici di pericolosità delle condotte, sarà analizzata la tenuta di questi “elementi opzionali del reato” alla luce dei principi penalistici di tassatività, materialità, offensività e laicità.
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At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.
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Riconoscendo l’importanza delle traduzioni all’interno della cosiddetta repubblica democratica dell’infanzia, il lavoro analizza le prime traduzioni tedesche e italiane del classico della letteratura per l’infanzia I ragazzi della Via Pál di Ferenc Molnár, al fine di metterne in luce i processi non solo prettamente traduttivi, ma anche più ampiamente culturali, che hanno influenzato la prima ricezione del romanzo in due contesti linguistici spesso legati per tradizione storico-letteraria alla letteratura ungherese. Rispettando la descrizione ormai comunemente accettata della letteratura per ragazzi come luogo di interazione tra più sistemi – principalmente quello letterario, quello pedagogico e quello sociale –, il lavoro ricostruisce innanzitutto le dinamiche proprie dei periodi storici di interesse, focalizzando l’attenzione sulla discussione circa l’educazione patriottica e militare del bambino. In relazione a questa tematica si approfondisce l’aspetto della “leggerezza” nell’opera di Molnár, ricostruendo attraverso le recensioni del tempo la prima ricezione del romanzo in Ungheria e presentando i temi del patriottismo e del gioco alla guerra in dialogo con le caratteristiche linguistico-formali del romanzo. I risultati raggiunti – una relativizzazione dell’intento prettamente pedagogico a vantaggio di una visione critica della società e del militarismo a tutti i costi – vengono messi alla prova delle traduzioni. L’analisi critica si basa su un esame degli elementi paratestuali, sull’individuazione di processi di neutralizzazione dell’alterità culturale e infine sull’esame delle isotopie del “gioco alla guerra” e dei “simboli della patria”. Si mostra come, pur senza un intervento censorio o manipolazioni sensibili al testo, molte traduzioni italiane accentuano l’aspetto patriottico e militaresco in chiave pedagogica. Soprattutto in Italia, il romanzo viene uniformato così al contesto letterario ed educativo dell’epoca, mentre in area tedesca la ricezione nell’ambito della letteratura per ragazzi sembra aprire al genere del romanzo delle bande.
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Die Unterstützung der EU durch ihre Bürger ist spätestens seit dem Vertrag von Maastricht Gegenstand einer Vielzahl von Beiträgen in der Einstellungsforschung. Eine zentrale Annahme der bisherigen Forschung war die große Distanz der EU zur Alltagswirklichkeit der Bürger. Nach dieser werden Einstellungen zur EU nur aufwendig oder mit Rückgriff auf Einstellungen zum Nationalstaat gebildet. Mit der Euro-Schuldenkrise, deren wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen für die Bürger und einer Vielzahl von EU-Krisengipfeln erfuhr die europäische Politik seit 2010 eine enorme Aufmerksamkeit in der Öffentlichkeit. In dieser Arbeit wird die Entwicklung der EU-Unterstützung vergleichend in Deutschland und Griechenland vor und während der Schuldenkrise untersucht: 1) Zunächst wird diskutiert, inwieweit die Schuldenkrise mit den etablierten Determinanten der Unterstützungsforschung theoretisch zusammenhängt. Im Mittelpunkt stehen wirtschaftliche und demokratische Performanz, europäische und nationale Identität sowie Heuristiken zum Nationalstaat. 2) Der Fokus auf Deutschland und Griechenland ermöglicht einen Vergleich der Determinanten vor und während der Krise, da beide Länder substanziell völlig unterschiedlich, jedoch gleichzeitig betroffen waren. Während die Bürger in Griechenland spürbare Wohlstandsverluste erleiden, stellt sich in Deutschland die Frage nach der Solidarität mit den europäischen Nachbarn. 3) Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass die etablierten Determinanten in der Schuldenkrise ihre Relevanz behalten. Das individuelle wirtschaftliche Schicksal ist in Griechenland ein stärkerer Einflussfaktor als vor der Krise. Es bestätigt sich die Erwartung, dass die größere Präsenz der EU in der Krise mit einer geringeren Bedeutung der Einstellungen zum Nationalstaat einhergeht.
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Our growing understanding of human mind and cognition and the development of neurotechnology has triggered debate around cognitive enhancement in neuroethics. The dissertation examines the normative issues of memory enhancement, and focuses on two issues: (1) the distinction between memory treatment and enhancement; and (2) how the issue of authenticity concerns memory interventions, including memory treatments and enhancements. rnThe first part consists of a conceptual analysis of the concepts required for normative considerations. First, the representational nature and the function of memory are discussed. Memory is regarded as a special form of self-representation resulting from a constructive processes. Next, the concepts of selfhood, personhood, and identity are examined and a conceptual tool—the autobiographical self-model (ASM)—is introduced. An ASM is a collection of mental representations of the system’s relations with its past and potential future states. Third, the debate between objectivist and constructivist views of health are considered. I argue for a phenomenological account of health, which is based on the primacy of illness and negative utilitarianism.rnThe second part presents a synthesis of the relevant normative issues based on the conceptual tools developed. I argue that memory enhancement can be distinguished from memory treatment using a demarcation regarding the existence of memory-related suffering. That is, memory enhancements are, under standard circumstances and without any unwilling suffering or potential suffering resulting from the alteration of memory functions, interventions that aim to manipulate memory function based on the self-interests of the individual. I then consider the issue of authenticity, namely whether memory intervention or enhancement endangers “one’s true self”. By analyzing two conceptions of authenticity—authenticity as self-discovery and authenticity as self-creation, I propose that authenticity should be understood in terms of the satisfaction of the functional constraints of an ASM—synchronic coherence, diachronic coherence, and global veridicality. This framework provides clearer criteria for considering the relevant concerns and allows us to examine the moral values of authenticity. rn