904 resultados para FINANCIAL CRISIS


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Although the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean grew more slowly in 2011 than in 2010, there were some improvements on the employment front. Workers benefited from the region’s satisfactory economic performance in an increasingly complex international setting. The unemployment rate fell from 7.3% in 2010 to 6.7% in 2011 thanks to a halfpercentage- point gain in the urban employment rate. Both rates are at levels that have not been seen for a long time. The proportion of formal jobs with social benefits rose as well, and underemployment declined. The average wage and the minimum wage both increased in real terms, albeit only moderately. Economic performance and the employment situation varied widely among the subregions. The unemployment rate dropped by 0.6 percentage points in South America but 0.4 percentage points in the countries of the northern part of Latin America. In the countries of the Caribbean, the employment rate was up by 0.2 percentage points. The data show that substantial labour market gaps and serious labour-market insertion issues remain. This is especially the case for women and young people, for whom unemployment rates and other labour indicators are still unfavourable. The second part of this report looks at whether the fruits of economic growth and rising productivity have been distributed equitably between workers and companies. Between 2002 and 2008 (the most recent expansionary economic cycle), wages as a percentage of GDP fell in 13 of the 21 countries of the region for which data are available and rose in just 8. This points to redistribution that is unfavourable to workers, which is worrying in a region which already has the most unequal distribution of income in the world. Underlying this trend is the fact that, worldwide, wages have grown less than productivity. Beyond the ethical dimension of this issue, it jeopardizes the social and economic sustainability of growth. For example, one of the root causes of the recent financial crisis was that households in the United States responded to declining wage income by borrowing more to pay for consumption and housing. This turned out to be unsustainable in the long run. Over time, it undermines the labour market’s contribution to the efficient allocation of resources and its distributive function, too, with negative consequences for democratic governance. Among the triggers of this distributive worsening most often cited in the global debate are market deregulation and its impact on financial globalization, technological change that favours capital over labour, and the weakening of labour institutions. What is needed here is a public policy effort to help keep wage increases from lagging behind increases in productivity. Some countries of the region, especially in South America, saw promising developments during the second half of the 2000s in the form of a positive trend reversal in wages as a percentage of GDP. One example is Brazil, where a minimum wage policy tailored to the dynamics of the domestic market is considered to be one of the factors behind an upturn in the wage share of GDP. The region needs to grow more and better. Productivity must grow at a steady pace, to serve as the basis for sustained improvements in the well-being of the populace and to narrow the gap between the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean and the more advanced economies. And inequality must be decreased; this could be achieved by closing the productivity gap between upgraded companies and the many firms whose productivity is low. As set out in this report, the region made some progress between 2002 and 2010, with labour productivity rising at the rate of 1.5% a year. But this progress falls short of that seen in other regions such as Sub-Saharan Africa (2.1%) and, above all, East Asia (8.3%, not counting Japan and the Republic of Korea). Moreover, in many of the countries of the region these gains have not been distributed equitably. Therein lies a dual challenge that must be addressed: continue to increase productivity while enhancing the mechanisms for distributing gains in a way that will encourage investment and boost worker and household income. The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimate that the pace of economic growth in the region will be slightly slower in 2012 than in 2011, in a global economic scenario marked by the cooling of several of the main economic engines and a high degree of uncertainty concerning, above all, prospects for the euro zone. The region is expected to continue to hold up well to this worsening scenario, thanks to policies that leveraged more favourable conditions in the past. This will be felt in the labour markets, as well, so expectations are that unemployment will edge down by as much as two tenths of a decimal point.

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The adverse effects on Latin America and the Caribbean of the global economic and financial crisis, the worst since the 1930s, have been considerably less than was once feared. Although a run of growth was cut short in 2009 and regional output shrank by 1.9%, the impact of the crisis was limited by the application of countercyclical fiscal and monetary policies by many of the region’s governments. The recovery in the economies, particularly in South America, has gone hand-in-hand with the rapid resurgence of the emerging economies of Asia, with all the favourable consequences this has had for global trade. A similar pattern may be observed regarding the impact of the crisis on labour markets in Latin America and the Caribbean. Although millions of people lost their jobs or had to trade down to lower-quality work, levels of employment (including formal employment) fell by less than originally foreseen. At the same time, real wages rose slightly in a context of falling inflation. The labour market thus stabilized domestic demand, and this contributed to the recovery that began in many countries in late 2009. Improved international trade and financing conditions, and the pick-up in domestic demand driven by macroeconomic policies, have led different commentators to estimate growth in the region’s economy at some 6% in 2010. As detailed in the first part of this edition of the Bulletin, the upturn has been manifested at the regional level by the creation of formal employment, a rise in the employment rate, a decline in joblessness and a moderate increase in real wages. Specifically, it is estimatedthat the regional unemployment rate will have dropped by 0.6 percentage points, from 8.1% in 2009 to 7.5% in 2010. The performance of different countries and subregions has been very uneven, however. On the one hand, there is Brazil, where high economic growth has been accompanied by vigorous creation of formal jobs and the unemployment rate has dropped to levels not seen in a long time. Other countries in South America have benefited from strong demand for natural resources from the Asian countries. Combined with higher domestic demand, this has raised their economic growth rates and had a positive impact on employment indicators. On the other hand, the recovery is still very weak in certain countries and subregions, particularly in the Caribbean, with employment indicators continuing to worsen.Thus, the recovery in the region’s economy in 2010 may be characterized as dynamic but uneven. Growth estimates for 2011 are less favourable. The risks associated with the imbalances in the world economy and the withdrawal of countercyclical fiscal packages are likely to cause the region to grow more slowly in 2011. Accordingly, a small further reduction of between 0.2 and 0.4 percentage points in the unemployment rate is projected for 2011. However, these indicators of recovery do not guarantee growth with decent work in the long term. To bolster the improvement in labour market indicators and generate more productive employment and decent work, the region’s countries need to strengthen their macroeconomic policies, improve regional and global policy coordination, identify and remove bottlenecks in the labour market itself and enhance instruments designed to promote greater equality. Like the rest of the world, the Latin American and Caribbean region is also confronted with the challenge of transforming the way it produces so that its economies can develop along tracks that are sustainable in the long term. Climate change and the consequent challenge of developing and strengthening low-carbon production and consumption patterns will also affect the way people work. A great challenge ahead is to create green jobs that combine decent work with environmentally sustainable production patterns. From this perspective, the second part of this Bulletin discusses the green jobs approach, offering some information on the challenges and opportunities involved in moving towards a sustainable economy in the region and presenting a set of options for addressing environmental issues and the repercussions of climate change in the world of work. Although the debate about the green jobs concept is fairly new in the region, examples already exist and a number of countries have moved ahead with the application of policies and programmes in this area. Costa Rica has formulated a National Climate Change Strategy, for example, whose foremost achievements include professional training in natural-resource management. In Brazil, fuel production from biomass has increased and social housing with solar panelling is being built. A number of other countries in the region are making progress in areas such as ecotourism, sustainable agriculture and infrastructure for climate change adaptation, and in formalizing the work of people who recycle household waste. The shift towards a more environmentally sustainable economy may cause jobs to be destroyed in some economic sectors and created in others. The working world will inevitably undergo major changes. If the issue is approached by way of social dialogue and appropriate public policies, there is a chance to use this shift to create more decent jobs, thereby contributing to growth in the economy, the construction of higher levels of equality and protection for the environment.

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A edição 2013 do Panorama da inserção internacional da América Latina e Caribe, intitulado “Lenta pós-crise, meganegociações comerciais e cadeias de valor: o espaço de ação regional”, se divide em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo revisa os principais traços da persistente debilidade que mostram a economia e o comércio mundial. Em seguida, se examina a evolução e as perspectivas do comércio mundial e regional. No segundo capítulo faz-se um exame das principais transformações da organização da produção e do comércio mundial associadas ao fenômeno das redes internacionais de produção, que estão na raiz das atuais negociações megarregionais. À continuação se revisam três processos de particular importância: o Acordo Transatlântico sobre Comércio e Investimento entre os Estados Unidos e a União Europeia; o Acordo de Associação Transpacífico, que inclui 12 países de América Latina, América do Norte, Ásia e Oceania; e a Associação Econômica Integral Regional, que reúne dez países membros da Associação de Nações do Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN), Austrália, China, Índia, Japão, Nova Zelândia e República da Coreia. O capítulo III analisa a participação dos países da América Latina e do Caribe em redes internacionais de produção e cadeias de valor.

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The objective of this report is to analyze the impact of recent global financial trends on the access to private external financing by Central American and Caribbean (CAC) economies, as well as their performance in international capital markets in recent years. The CAC economies, like many other countries in the world, were not immune to the negative consequences of the global economic and financial crisis of 2008. In fact, their openness, export driven growth and linkages to advanced economies, particularly to the U.S., as well as size, made them more vulnerable than other Latin American countries to the negative effects of the crisis. In addition, their recovery was hindered by their weak linkages to the larger emerging market countries that drove global growth in the post-crisis recovery. As China and other emerging market economies begin to slowdown, however, and the U.S. and other advanced economies show signs of a strengthening recovery, the linkages to advanced economies may once again become a source of strength.

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Income distribution, poverty and social expenditure in Latin America / José Antonio Ocampo. -- Military expenditure and development in Latin America / Eugenio Lahera and Marcelo Ortúzar. -- Growth, distributive justice and social policy / Andrés Solimano. -- Equity, foreign investment and international competitiveness / Adolfo Figueroa. -- Tensions in Latin American structural adjustment: allocation versus distribution / Daniel M. Schydlowsky. -- Competitiveness and labour regulations / Luis Beccaria and Pedro Galin. -- Latin American families: convergences and divergences in models and policies / Irma Arriagada. -- Free trade agreements and female labour: the Chilean situation / Alicia Frohmann and Pilar Romaguera. -- Macroeconomic trends in Paraguay from 1989 to 1997: consumption bubble and financial crisis / Stephane Straub. -- The strategies pursued by Mexican firms in their efforts to become global players / Alejandra Salas-Porras. -- Regulating the private provision of drinking water and sanitation services / Terence R, Lee and Andrei S. Jouravlev. -- Quality management promotion to improve competitiveness / Hessel Schuurman.

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Caribbean Small Island Developing States (SIDS), by their very nature, are vulnerable to external shocks. Research shows that the Caribbean subregion experienced 165 natural disasters between 1990 and 2008 and the total impact of natural disasters on the subregion was estimated at US$136 billion. The impact on the social sectors was estimated at US$57 billion, or 42% of the total effect. As small open economies, the Caribbean SIDS are also vulnerable to the vagaries of the international economic system and have experienced declines in tourism, merchandise exports receipts, remittances and capital flows throughout the financial crisis. The negative impact of natural hazards exacerbates the capacity of Caribbean SIDS to overcome the development challenges, such as those posed by the current global economic and financial crisis. Disaster risk reduction (DRR), therefore, is of critical concern to subregional governments and their people. For the purpose of this study, six Caribbean SIDS were selected for detailed analyses on the macro socio-economic impact of extreme events to the education sector. They are the Cayman Islands, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, and Montserrat. This paper proposes that better integration of DRR in the education sector cannot be easily achieved if policymakers do not recognize the social nature of risk perception and acceptance in Caribbean SIDS, which necessitates that risk reduction be treated as a negotiated process which engages all stakeholders.

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This survey provides an overview of the economic performance of countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) for the year 2008 and their outlook for 2009. The report comprises three chapters. The first provides a regional comparative analysis of the main macroeconomic variables, namely GDP growth, inflation, fiscal and external accounts, as well as fiscal, monetary and other policies, particularly those specifically devised to cope with the ongoing global economic crisis. The second chapter deals with two topics relevant for economic development in the region: economic growth and small and medium enterprises development from an analytical and empirical perspective. The last chapter presents country briefs of the seven most developed countries (MDCs) in the Caribbean – Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Guyana, Jamaica, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago – together with a subregional assessment of the eight member countries of the Eastern Caribbean Currency Union (ECCU).

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

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Latin America’s fiscal accounts deteriorated slightly during 2015, registering an average deficit of 3.0% of GDP and average gross public debt of 34.7% of GDP. Of the 19 countries considered, the fiscal deficit and public debt as a share of GDP both increased in 11. The region started to build up public debt, most of it domestic, after the 2008 international financial crisis to meet the growing financing needs resulting from the worsening growth situation.

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The thinking that has unilaterally dominated economic science for over five decades has recently come under intensive scrutiny and its validity and conceptual and empirical coherence are the subject of controversy. Thus the limitations of the prevailing paradigm for addressing the failures of free market economies have been laid bare. For Latin America and the Caribbean, these failures are structural in nature, as indeed structuralism proposed in its time. Neostructuralism delves more deeply into the issues addressed in structuralism, aiming to improve positioning in the international economy, boost productive employment creation, reduce structural heterogeneity and improve income distribution, while maintaining financial balances capable of sustaining changes in the sphere of production by means of social and State support. Far from being an insular system of thinking, neostructuralism is an open system that lends itself to dialogue with other philosophies that recognize the limitations of the dominant paradigm and object to its methodological monism. This book offers a fresh look at neostructuralism and heterodox thinking at the start of the twenty-first century. In a context shaped by the impacts of the worst economic and financial crisis since the Great Depression and by paradigmatic changes at the global level, it aims to carve out arenas for discussion between alternative lines of thinking in order to lay the foundations for a socioeconomically inclusive and environmentally sustainable model of development for the region.

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A SUDAM foi extinta em maio de 2001 sob o argumento oficial de que a Instituição estava infiltrada de fraudes e corrupção. Portanto, alegando pressão da opinião pública, o Estado brasileiro extinguiu sumariamente essa Instituição (assim como a SUDENE) e a política de incentivo fiscais que fomentava o desenvolvimento regional no país. Esta tese sustenta a argumentação oposta de que a corrupção não se constituiu em fator determinante para a extinção da SUDAM, mas sim que esse processo decorreu da incapacidade do Estado brasileiro de continuar mantendo o padrão de financeira ocorrente desde os anos oitenta. Inúmeras medidas de política econômica foram tomada pelo Estado que diminuíram os recursos financeiros movimentados pelo Fundo de Investimento da SUDAM, restringindo conseqüentemente a capacidade operacional da Instituição na manutenção dos repasses de recursos para os projetos incentivados e no financiamento de novos projetos na região. Ao se extinguir a SUDAM e a sua política de incentivos fiscais, foi automaticamente extinto o funding sobre o qual se constituiu o padrão de financiamento de desenvolvimento regional concebido desde meados dos anos sessenta e assim sendo, ficou a região sem uma alternativa de financiamento viável e aceitável para o se desenvolvimento. A criação de um novo funding em torno da nova Instituição, a ADA, sem a existência de incentivos fiscais, não se mostrou vantajoso para o capital privado, inviabilizando a demanda por esses recursos. Como alternativa política o governo está se esforçando para criar a SUDAM, mas sem a vinculação dos incentivos fiscais, o que não aconteceu até agora, retardando a ressurreição da Instituição.

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Esse estudo apresenta resultados de uma pesquisa que investigou os contratos estabelecidos, no período de 2000 a 2008, entre a Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA) e prefeituras do interior do estado do Pará, para a oferta de cursos de licenciatura plena, financiado com os recursos do Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e de Valorização do Magistério (FUNDEF), para os professores das redes municipais de ensino. Para compreender essa problemática, elaboramos os seguintes questionamentos: Como está estruturada a política de financiamento implementada pelo governo federal, para as IFES, ao longo desse período, e quais são as suas relações com a reforma do Estado e da Educação Superior, no país? Qual a política de financiamento do processo de interiorização da Universidade Federal do Pará e qual a sua relação com a política de oferta de cursos de contrato? Qual o montante dos recursos públicos municipais provenientes dos contratos celebrados entre Universidade Federal do Pará e as prefeituras do interior do estado, no período destacado? Como foram aplicados os recursos advindos dos contratos celebrados entre a Universidade Federal do Pará e as prefeituras do interior do estado?Adotamos como metodologia a abordagem quanti-qualitativa e utilizamos dados documentais. Como resultado, percebemos que, a Reforma do Estado, resultante da crise financeira do capital, implicou em reconfigurações do papel do Estado na educação, especialmente no que tange à legislação da educação superior e à política de financiamento para esse nível de ensino. Por isso, a universidade pública brasileira vive uma crise institucional, que se manifesta, especialmente, na estagnação orçamentária dos recursos do Governo Federal para sua manutenção. Os recursos disponibilizados pelo fundo público federal para custearem as despesas com Educação Superior não têm dado conta da crescente demanda de jovens que buscam esse nível de ensino. Ficou evidenciado na pesquisa que os cursos de contrato são uma estratégia de qualificação de profissionais locais com complementação de recursos para manutenção dos campi do interior e para complementação salarial dos professores que atuam nesses cursos.

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Ao longo de muitos anos os recursos orçamentários destinados às instituições federais de ensino no Brasil vêm se tornando cada vez mais insuficientes para a manutenção e o desenvolvimento do ensino. Diante desse cenário nacional, as IFES foram estimuladas pelo Governo de FHC a buscarem fontes alternativas de recursos em outras empresas públicas e privadas visando amenizar as crises financeiras por estas enfrentadas. Seguindo o que preceitua a Teoria Contingencial, as organizações tiveram que se adaptar aos ambientes externos buscando diversos mecanismos de captação de recursos, sobretudo por meio dos órgãos de fomento, a UFPA se insere nesse cenário. Neste estudo analisa-se o financiamento empreendido na UFPA, no período de 2005 a 2010. Referimo-nos aos recursos advindos do Tesouro/Ministério da Educação (MEC), como também os recursos oriundos de outras fontes adquiridos por meio de captação externa mediante a contribuição de outros órgãos federais e ou empresas privadas. Este trabalho pesquisou os aspectos da contabilidade pública, especificamente financiamento das IFES, com o foco nas verbas de outros custeios e capital (OCC) da UFPA, excluído o grupo de despesa de pessoal. Para esta análise, foi adotada uma abordagem qualitativa, caracterizada como uma pesquisa descritiva, realizada mediante análise de documentos oficiais envolvendo as formas de financiamento na UFPA. Portanto, foram analisadas as condicionalidades financeiras executadas no período supramencionado e que envolveram o processo de financiamento dos programas de ensino, pesquisa e extensão, e buscou-se compreender as aplicações dos recursos resultantes desse processo de financiamento externo como instrumento de diferenciação na UFPA. Deste total de financiamento, 77% representam os Recursos Externos, sendo que a FADESP, gerencia valores bastante consideráveis dentro do cenário de financiamento dos recursos captados, cujos valores vêm colaborando para o cumprimento da missão da UFPA, demonstrando com isso, que eles se relacionam e complementam os recursos advindos do Tesouro/MEC. A captação de recursos na UFPA é bastante expressiva, porém concentrada na área da pesquisa científica, que embora apresente reflexos positivos na UFPA contribuindo para a pesquisa, extensão e graduação, torna-as dependentes de tais recursos. Sendo assim, será necessário constituir uma nova forma de compor as receitas da universidade, captar recursos diretamente na sociedade, diversificando as fontes para que se proporcione suporte econômico à instituição, evitando-se com isso que a universidade vivencie sucateamento gradual de sua infraestrutura e obsolescência de equipamentos, comprometimento de suas ações e, em consequência, sua sustentabilidade não apenas financeira, mas também a econômica, não ficando assim dependente de uma fonte exclusiva de provimento de recursos.

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O presente estudo analisa as raízes da crise de 2008 na pecuária paraense, enfocando o conflito entre pecuaristas e frigoríficos a partir de uma abordagem multifacetada. Tendo como hipótese inicial o desequilíbrio entre oferta e demanda de gado, o estudo está dividido em duas partes, onde, na primeira, é pesquisada a pecuária em si, quanto à discussão científica sobre a sua viabilidade na Amazônia e sua evolução recente no estado do Pará. Na segunda parte, trata-se da instalação da grande indústria de frigoríficos na Sudeste paraense, o aumento da capacidade de abate e o desequilíbrio com a oferta de gado bovino. No contexto desse desequilíbrio, são avaliadas tanto as causas externas, tais como a exportação de gado vivo e a crise financeira internacional, quanto domésticas, em particular a atuação das organizações não governamentais, das políticas públicas e do relacionamento entre pecuaristas e frigoríficos. O estudo conclui que a crise foi causada por um conjunto de fatores estruturais e conjunturais. Os fatores conjunturais inserem-se no contexto da inserção da pecuária paraense no mercado internacional, afetado pela crise financeira internacional, pela exportação de bovinos vivos e pela política industrial do Governo Federal. Os fatores estruturais são aqueles relacionados à estrutura fundiária concentrada e ao modelo de pecuária extensiva instalada na região, ainda marcado por infrações das leis ambientais e trabalhistas, e pela relação de desconfiança entre pecuaristas e frigoríficos, onde o mercado ainda não foi capaz de criar uma estrutura de governança onde os agentes possam equacionar seus problemas.