1000 resultados para Brasil - Política e governo


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A tese aborda o processo de identificao das favelas e sua apropriao pelos movimentos de trabalhadores favelados. Em A Inveno das Favelas (2005), Valladares discutiu as favelas como uma representao e inveno social do sculo XX. Partindo desse marco analtico compartilhado e discutido por outros autores, construmos uma escala de comparao entre Rio de Janeiro e Belo Horizonte. Na primeira parte da tese, compreendemos essa representao como o resultado de um processo identificao. Como observou Noriel, em LIdentification (2006), o Estado moderno foi um dos maiores produtores de tecnologias de identificao, dispositivos de poder que visam conhecer, classificar e governar as populaes num dado territrio. Investigamos como as prticas estatais no Rio de Janeiro e em Belo Horizonte constituram representaes das favelas, delineando um discurso e um dispositivo de poder sobre os territrios da pobreza atravs de legislaes, censos e comisses de estudo. As analogias, particularidades e trocas institudas no processo de identificao so analisadas, observando a formao de uma retrica da marginalidade social no mbito do Estado, reproduzindo estigmas sociais, mas tambm gerando oportunidades para reivindicao de direitos. Nesse sentido, na segunda parte da tese, analisamos os movimentos dos trabalhadores favelados, organizados pela Unio dos Trabalhadores Favelados (UTF) no Rio de Janeiro e Federao dos Trabalhadores Favelados de Belo Horizonte (FTFBH). Compreendemos a forma como esses movimentos sociais organizaram repertrios de ao, apropriando-se da identificao das favelas para reivindicar direitos, mobilizaram-se eleitoralmente, vinculando-se a grupos de esquerda, e propuseram projetos de reforma urbana.

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Esse trabalho visa analisar os diferentes modelos de gesto do teatro carioca a partir de 1950. Foram muitas as transformaes sofridas no setor teatral da cidade, sobretudo com a redefinio do papel do Estado como promotor de cultura. A partir da histria do teatro brasileiro, do contexto histrico e das políticas culturais implantadas, pretende-se traar uma panormica da produo teatral carioca no perodo e identificar os pontos nevrlgicos em que o segmento teatral se encontra. O trabalho prope uma reflexo sobre essas prticas atuais, a partir dessas mudanas ocorridas nos processos de produo teatral da cidade do Rio de Janeiro.

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Inserida na literatura sobre a governabilidade nos estados brasileiros, esta Tese investiga o que une os partidos na coalizo no caso do estado de So Paulo, de 1995 a 2010, analisando a montagem e a natureza da coalizo de governo (formao dos gabinetes), em particular, seu peso e papel na construo e na gesto do apoio ao Executivo pela Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de So Paulo (coalizo legislativa).

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This paper examines the structure of agenda power in the Brazilian Cmara dos Deputados (Chamber of Deputies). Our main question concerns when consistent agenda control by a single majority coalition, as opposed to agenda control by shifting majorities, has emerged in the post-1988 Cmara. Consistent agenda control emerges routinely in parliamentary regimes: the government commands a majority in the assembly; the legislative agenda is negotiated among the governing parties, typically with each able to veto the placement of bills on the agenda. However, the Cmara faces an external executive, the president, with substantial formal powers to set its agenda. Consistent agenda control thus can emerge only if the president chooses to ally with a majority coalition in the assembly. If the president always chose to form such an alliancea presidentially-led agenda cartelthen one would expect some consistently parliamentary patterns in Brazil: the appointment of legislative party leaders to the cabinet; the use of statutes rather than decrees to achieve policy goals; the avoidance of bills that would pass and split the governing coalition. We find that only the Cardoso presidency displays consistent evidence of such a presidentiallyled agenda cartel. In this sense, our argument differs from that of Figueiredo and Limongi (1999; 2000), who argue that presidents have consistently pursued a parliamentary mode of governance in Brazil. Yet it also differs from those who argue that presidents have consistently pursued a shifting-coalitions strategy. Our results suggest that presidents make a strategic choice, with much hinging on that choice.

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In spite of a general agreement over the distortion imposed by the current Brazilian tax system, attempts to reform it during the last decade have faced several restrictions to its implementation. Two of these restrictions were particular binding: a) fiscal adjustment restriction (public sector debt cannot increase), b) fiscal federalist restriction (revenues from individual states and municipalities cannot decrease). This paper focuses on a specific reform that overcomes in principle the fiscal federalist restriction. Using Auerbach and Kotlikoff (1987) model calibrated for the Brazilian economy, I analyze the short and long run macroeconomic effects of this reform subject to the fiscal adjustment restriction. Finally, I look at the redistributive effects of this reform among generations as a way to infer about public opinions reaction to the reform. The reform consists basically of replacing indirect taxes on corporate revenues, which I show to be equivalent to a symmetric tax on labor and capital income, by a new federal VAT. The reform presented positive macroeconomic effects both in the short and long run. Despite a substantial increase in the average VAT rate in the first years after the reform, a majority of cohorts experienced an increase in their lifetime welfare, being potentially in favour of the reform.

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From a methodological point of view, this paper makes two contlibutions to the literature. One contribution is the proposal of a new measure of pro-poor growth. This new measure provides the linkage between growth rates in mean income and in income inequality. In this context, growth is defined as pro-poor (or anti-poor) if there is a gain (or loss) in the growth rate due to a decrease (or increase) in inequality. The other contribution is a decomposition methodology that explores linkages between three dimensions: growth pattems, labour market performances. and social policies. Through the decomposition analysis, growth in per capita income is explained in terms of four labour market components: the employment rate. hours of work, the labour force participation rate. and productivity. We also assess the contribution of different nonlabour income sources to growth patterns. The proposed methodologies are then applied to the Brazilian National Household Survey (PNAD) covering the period 1995-2004. The paper analyzes the evolution of Brazilian social indicators based on per capita income exploring links with adverse labour market performance and social policy change, with particular emphasis on the expansion of targeted cash transfers and devising more propoor social security benefits.

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Despite the large size of the Brazilian debt market, as well the large diversity of its bonds, the picture that emerges is of a market that has not yet completed its transition from the role it performed during the megainflation years, namely that of providing a liquid asset that provided positive real returns. This unfinished transition is currently placing the market under severe stress, as fears of a possible default from the next administration grow larger. This paper analyzes several aspects pertaining to the management of the domestic public debt. The causes for the extremely large and fast growth ofthe domestic public debt during the seven-year period that President Cardoso are discussed in Section 2. Section 3 computes Value at Risk and Cash Flow at Risk measures for the domestic public debt. The rollover risk is introduced in a mean-variance framework in Section 4. Section 5 discusses a few issues pertaining to the overlap between debt management and monetary policy. Finally, Section 6 wraps up with policy discussion and policy recommendations.

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