What Makes Your Writing Style Unique? Significant Differences Between Two Famous Romanian Orators

This paper introduces a novel, in-depth approach of analyzing the differences in writing style between two famous Romanian orators, based on automated textual complexity indices for Romanian language. The considered authors are: (a) Mihai Eminescu, Romania’s national poet and a remarkable journalist of his time, and (b) Ion C. Brătianu, one of the most important Romanian politicians from the middle of the 18th century. Both orators have a common journalistic interest consisting in their desire to spread the word about political issues in Romania via the printing press, the most important public voice at that time. In addition, both authors exhibit writing style particularities, and our aim is to explore these differences through our ReaderBench framework that computes a wide range of lexical and semantic textual complexity indices for Romanian and other languages. The used corpus contains two collections of speeches for each orator that cover the period 1857–1880. The results of this study highlight the lexical and cohesive textual complexity indices that reflect very well the differences in writing style, measures relying on Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA) and Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) semantic models.

The Un-Politics of New Public Management in Ireland

Many of the principles and indeed the rhetoric of New Public Management proved attractive to both politicians and senior bureaucrats across the developed world as a remedy for problems in policy processes. Ireland shares many features of its constitutional structures and political practices with Britain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, all of them early and enthusiastic adopters of NPM. Some of the organizational and procedural changes in Irish public administration do indeed bear similarities to those we would expect to see as a result of adopting principles of NPM. However, we contend that surface impressions are misleading. Drawing on a time-series database of Irish state institutions, we show that organizational changes were not necessarily driven by NPM. The absence of strong political drivers meant that reform initiatives did not fundamentally alter the configuration of the Irish public administration. Many of the problems that NPM was intended to address are only now coming under scrutiny.

"I Forbid You To Like It:" The Smiths, David Cameron, and the Politics of (Mis)appropriating Popular Culture

The Smiths were a critically acclaimed 1980s “indie” band that achieved cult-status within the five years they were musically active. Several studies on fandom have focused on The Smiths, particularly its frontman Morrissey, whose “apostles” are among the most committed on the popular music circuit. Yet British Prime Minister David Cameron’s repeated claims to Smiths fandom have been rebuked by fans, and the band themselves, as being incompatible with his right-wing political program; former Smiths guitarist and songwriter Johnny Marr tweeted: “David Cameron, stop saying you like The Smiths, no you don’t. I forbid you to like it.”

This article proceeds from the possibility that David Cameron was not being cynical in professing his admiration for The Smiths and considers music’s role in the embodiment of a social identity. Drawing on recent examples in the UK and the US, the article explores politicians’ problematic relationship with popular culture, alongside the notion that when an artist’s music is appropriated, they themselves are appropriated.

Leave it to the Amateurs: A Career Development Explanation of Political Inexperience among Members of the Canadian Parliament:MA Thesis

In many advanced democracies, political scientists have lamented the rise of professional politicians as a challenge to the effective representation of diverse electorates. In contrast, their relative absence from Canadian federal politics gives rise to concerns over high levels of political amateurism among Canadian MPs. This study, thus, seeks to account for the numerical weakness of individuals with an occupational background in politics in the Canadian Parliament. It utilizes both individual-level quantitative data on MPs serving between the 35th and 41st Parliaments, inclusive, as well as material from qualitative interviews with over seventy former MPs. Conceptualizing the field of politics as a career in itself, and drawing on career development theory, the study finds that at the key stages of establishing, maintaining, and disengaging from a federal political career, there are specific challenges that are not significantly ameliorated by the possession of professional experience in politics itself. Professional politicians, therefore, have no major advantage over those with non-political occupational backgrounds in their career development. Furthermore, by acknowledging the existence of different types of professional politician, it finds that those whose primary occupational background was in politics itself to be in a distinct minority, but the extent of political amateurism is challenged by a much larger minority of MPs whose primary occupation was non-political but who still possess some secondary or electoral experience prior to entering Parliament.

Still Rising: The Career Politician in the British House of Commons, the Cabinet and the Shadow Cabinet

There is a public perception that politicians in the United Kingdom are increasingly detached from the electorate due to the apparent increase in the number of ‘career politicians’ with a professional background in politics. This article examines the occupational backgrounds of successful candidates to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom between the 1997 and 2010 general elections, comparing the parliamentary compositions of the three main political parties (Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats) during this period, and the Cabinet and Shadow Cabinet as of 2014. By evaluating original and secondary quantitative data, it is argued that professionalised politicians have increased in the House of Commons relative to other occupational backgrounds, and are even further disproportionately represented in the senior teams of each major party.

What's in the Numbers? Child Welfare Statistics and the Children (NI) Order

This article draws attention to the importance of routinely collected administrative data as an important source for understanding the characteristics of the Northern Ireland child welfare system as it has developed since the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995 became its legislative base. The article argues that the availability of such data is a strength of the Northern Ireland child welfare system and urges local politicians, lobbyists, researchers, policy-makers, operational managers, practitioners and service user groups to make more use of them. The main sources of administrative data are identified. Illustration of how these can be used to understand and to ask questions about the system is provided by considering some of the trends since the Children Order was enacted. The “protection” principle of the Children Order provides the focus for the illustration. The statistical trends considered relate to child protection referrals, investigations and registrations and to children and young people looked after under a range of court orders available to ensure their protection and well-being.

Fixed-boundary constituencies and the principle of equal representation in Ireland

The process of constituency boundary revision in Ireland, designed to satisfy what is perceived as a rigid requirement that a uniform deputy-population ratio be maintained across constituencies, has traditionally consumed a great deal of the time of politicians and officials. For almost two decades after a High Court ruling in 1961, the process was a political one, was highly contentious, and was marked by serious allegations of ministerial gerrymandering. The introduction in 1979 of constituency commissions made up of officials neutralised, for the most part, charges that the system had become too politicised, but it continued the process of micro-management of constituency boundaries. This article suggests that the continuing problems caused by this system – notably, the permanently changing nature of constituency boundaries and resulting difficulties of geographical identification – could be resolved by reversion to the procedure that is normal in proportional representation systems: periodic post-census allocation of seats to constituencies whose boundaries are based on those of recognised local government units and which are stable over time. This reform, replacing the principle of redistricting by the principle of reapportionment, would result in more recognisable constituencies, more predictable boundary trajectories over time, and a more efficient, fairer, and speedier process of revision.

Uppföljning och utvärdering av det balanserade styrkortet : Är balanserat styrkort ett värdeskapande och strategiskt instrument inom den kommunala verksamheten?

The need to steer economic development has always been great and as management model has the balanced scorecard has been popular since the mid- 1990s, mainly in the private sector but also in the municipal sector. The introduction of the balanced scorecard has been primarily to organizations to see more than economic dimensions. The Balanced Scorecard was originally a measurement system, and today it works more as a strategic instrument. In our study is a case study to evaluate a municipality and how they make use of the balanced scorecard as a tool for strategic and value-adding work in municipal activities. In the local business is it important that the organization adapts the balanced scorecard, so it fits on the basis that it is a politically driven organization, with mandates, committees and administrations. In our study, we used a qualitative method with a deductive approach. In the study, we have gathered information through a case study where we interviewed 7 people in leading positions. In our analysis and results section, we came to the conclusion that the municipality does not use the balanced scorecard correctly. We also found that the balanced scorecard as a tool for value creation and strategic planning does not work in a favorable way. In our study, we see difficulties with the implementation of the balanced scorecard. If the municipality has invested in implementing the balanced scorecard at all levels of the business so the municipality would be able to use it on one of the activities more adequately. When the municipality is a politically driven organization, it is important that vision alive and changing based on the conditions that reflect the outside world and the municipality in general. Looking at a vivid vision, goals and business ideas, it's balanced scorecard in line with how a balanced scorecard should look like. The municipality has a strategic plan in terms of staff and employees at large. In the study, we have seen that the strategic plan is not followed up in a good way and for the business favorably, the municipality chooses the easy way out for evaluation. Employee participation to changes and ongoing human resources management feels nonexistent. However, as has been the vision of creating empowered and motivated employees. In our conclusion, we describe how we in our study look at the use of the balanced scorecard in municipal operations. We can also discern that a balanced scorecard as a tool for value creation and strategic work is good if it is used properly. In the study, we have concluded that the municipality we have chosen to study should not use the balanced scorecard when you have not created the tools and platforms required for employees, civil servants and politicians to evaluate, monitor and create a living scorecard change over time. The study reveals major shortcomings in the implementation, evaluation and follow-up possibilities, and the consequence of this is that the balanced scorecard is not - 4 - preferable in municipal operations as a strategic instrument for value creation and long-term planning.

Economia solidária e relações de gênero na agricultura familiar: o caso do grupo produtivo mulheres decididas a vencer

The Women s experiences in the private sphere under the work s field changes the family relationship allowing them more freedom, autonomy and independence. The inequalities, socially built, homemade women s obligations results in discrimination, difficult to insert and recovery on female s job in a job s market, including low salary if compared with men s and difficult to services access in addiction a difficult daily life and in domestic sphere. The women s organisation in productive groups or economically solidary enterprises (ESE) torn possible the social economically organisations and politicians to promote deep changes in a domestically e socially relationship, positioning, for example, women s in publics areas and in the rout of emancipation. The objective of this search are understand men and women relationship in the family agriculture s field starts insert women in economically solidary enterprises (ESE) on Mulunguzinho s settlement (Mossoró/RN). The theoretical framework is inspirited Economical Solidary concept kind division s job and women s empowerment. This search had a qualitative character and exploration through case s study on Mulheres decididas a vencer s group. The secondary information was create through theoretical framework and information collected through semi-structured interviews based in interviews applied for women and yours respective husbands by criterion for women participation on productive activities of beekeeping culture of goat and sheep. This study turns possible conclude that the women s participations in productive groups in solidary economical change significantly their life and their family life. The group s organisations process, the training was received, the collective production, the marketing and the mobilized participation to move it all was fundamental for women share with their families partners some homemade and take care with the children. This finding confirm a different aspect not economical in solidary economy overcoming the monetary value in associative relationship observing principally individuals well-being and the concern with the form of reproduction this way of life in the associated

Valued tradition? Armed policing in the UK

The traditional social “contract” in the UK mainland between the public and the police involves the ideal of an unarmed police service. In recent years while the public have accepted the more visible role of specialist armed officers on security duties in airports and strategic positions, the majority of officers remain unarmed. Following 7/7 in London and the Derrick Bird case in Cumbria there have been media calls for more police officers to be armed on a routine basis .This would fundamentally change the social contract and the relationship with the British public. The principle of policing by consent and the idea of the citizen in uniform are the fundamental tenets of British policing .Historically the only forces in the UK which are routinely armed are the Police Service of Northern Ireland in Northern Ireland, the Ministry of Defence Police and the Civil Nuclear Constabulary. In contrast all major police forces in Europe, as well as the US, Canada and Australia routinely carry firearms, the exceptions apart from Britain, are the Irish Republic, and New Zealand. In Norway officers carry arms in their cars but not on their person. Every time unarmed police officers are killed, as with the tragic case of Nicola Hughes and Fiona Bone killed in the line of duty in Manchester in 2013, the question of arming the British Police is raised.So does the current balance protect the public and safeguard officers or does it fail to satisfy either. Is the current balance between unarmed and armed police in the UK suitable for the 21st Century? There appears to be competing agendas for the Police to contend with. These have been illustrated by recent controversy in Scotland about a standing authority which allowed a small number of officers to carry guns while on routine patrol .Politicians and community leaders attacked the nationwide roll-out of officers with a standing authority to carry guns on routine patrols since the formation of Scotland’s single police force. The Forces armed police monitoring group recommended keeping the standing authority in place after it was given intelligence on serious organised crime groups in 2014.The Inspectorate of Constabulary in Scotland (HMICS) in its review of the authority (2014) said the operational need for the authority is justified by national intelligence and threat levels.

Concepts of the Global South

Where and what is the Global South? If you ask people on the street, many would probably not have the faintest idea. In everyday parlance and mass media, Global South has hardly become a household term. In academic and (global) policy circles, though, the term is used with much more gusto. Politicians refer to it. The United Nations organize their statistical data in accordance with the term. Academics write books about it - or, as in our case, explicitly include the term in the name of a research center: Global South Studies Center (GSSC). But what does the term entail? Who uses it and why? And what are the implications of marking distinctions between the Global South and the Global North? We thought it relevant to address these questions in more detail – after all, we work for a recently established research institute featuring the term in its name. Accordingly, we asked a number of academics, journals and academic institutions to reflect on the term. In this online issue, we share their various perspectives and critical reflections on the notion of the Global South – see also a short discussion on a number of YouTube videos we have included.

Prwncwyj: drama social e resolução de conflito entre os Apãniekra Jê-Timbira.

This work considers a ethnography boarding on the Apãniekra Jê-Timbira group of Central Brazil - leaving of a proposal of agreement of the group in perspectives of historical situations, analyzing its social organization from situational approaches. Taking the ethnography as main tool of production of data, the focus of the research takes dimension, when in the course of the ethnography situation, they come out, from certain events, social dramas that if ramify in crises, conflicts, faccionalismo. I analyze the mechanisms elaborated for the group to neutralize these dramas , such as the constitution of a tribal court , composites for native mediators and external mediators, dynamics ritual processes and politicians.

Imprensa brasileira no ocaso da belle époque

A Grande Guerra foi o acontecimento ápice de tensões acumuladas entre as potências da Europa ainda no começo da segunda década do século XX. O conflito deflagrado no verão de 1914 expandiu-se e envolveu nações de outros continentes, tornando-o mundial, com repercussões que extrapolaram os mais de quatro anos de batalhas oficiais – atualmente pode-se concluir que a Segunda Guerra Mundial nada mais foi do que a segunda parte de um conflito que não acabou de forma a contentar todos os países beligerantes. Entretanto, a Grande Guerra também demarcou o final de uma era conhecida como belle époque, um tempo que simbolicamente representava o apogeu cultural, econômico e social na Europa, inspirador do modelo civilizador em nações no novo mundo, inclusive no Brasil. Na Amazônia, sobretudo na capital do Estado do Pará, Belém, vivia-se ainda sob o imaginário da era da abundância provocada pela exportação da borracha nativa, cujo inicio ocorreu no final do século XIX e na primeira década do século passado. Nesse cenário, desenvolveu-se um jornalismo forte e muito sintonizado com as questões nacionais, regionais e de além-mar. Formado por intelectuais, políticos e escritores, o jornalismo paraense cobriu de forma sistemática os acontecimentos em torno da Grande Guerra, desde a morte do herdeiro do trono do Império Austro-húngaro, Francisco Ferdinando, até a paz ser selada. Com base neste panorâma, o objetivo desta investigação centra-se no esforço para compreender a natureza da cobertura jornalística dos jornais paraenses acerca da Primeira Guerra Mundial, tendo como objeto de análise três jornais diários que circulavam à época: Estado do Pará, Folha do Norte e A Tarde. Os dois primeiros eram jornais generalistas e de longo período de circulação. O terceiro foi um jornal vespertino, publicado entre setembro de 1915 e setembro de 1916, portanto, de caráter ocasional. Para alcançar esse objetivo, a metodologia usada compreende as análises quantitativa e qualitativa de conteúdo, conforme descrito por Sousa (2006). A primeira parte das análises centra-se em avaliar os dados relativos ao número de peças, de espaços dedicados ao tema da guerra, entre outros aspectos quantificáveis. Na segunda parte usou-se a análise qualitativa com base no estudo do diálogo establecido entre os aspectos da historiografia e os achados jornalísticos nos três jornais.

Estilo de desarrollo y el tratado de libre comercio entre República Dominicana, Centroamérica y Estados Unidos. Análisis del capítulo ambiental

Este estilo de desarrollo del país no ha generado encadenamientos productivos y recurre constantemente, a políticas implementadas en la promoción de las exportaciones, liberalización y apertura comercial, drásticos ajustes en las funciones del Estado y la atracción de inversión extranjera (tanto directa como financiera). Objetivos que se materializan en la negociación de tratados de libre comercio al estilo del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Centroamérica y Estados Unidos. En él se sientan las bases institucionales para la flexibilización del accionar del capital global, la profundización del proceso de apropiación de los factores de producción (básicamente, los recursos y servicios naturales, y la fuerza de trabajo) e incorporar nuevos negocios en sectores que, precisamente, suponen las mejores posibilidades de incrementar la acumulación de capital, siendo éstos, hoy, los recursos energéticos y hídricos. Abstract This style of development of the country has not generated productive linkages and it constantly appeals, to politicians implemented in the promotion of the exports, liberalization and opening commercial, drastic adjustments in the functions of the State and the attraction of foreign investment (so much direct as financial). Objectives that are materialized in the negotiation of treaties of free trade to the style of the Treaty of Free Trade between Central America and United States. In him they feel the institutional bases for the flexibility of working of the global capital, the to make deeper of the process of appropriation of the production factors (basically, the resources and natural services, and the work force) and to incorporate new business in sectors that, in fact, they suppose the best possibilities to increase the capital accumulation, being these, today, the energy and hydric resources.

A influência política na gestão das empresas estatais à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração e da governança corporativa e pública

This study is dedicated to explain the extent to which political influence in the management of state-owned enterprises can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance and corporate and public governance, for which was undertaken bibliographical and documentary research guided by the deductive method of work, in which were investigated and presented concepts and issues relating to the State, Government, politics, Public Administration, constitutional principles of Public Administration, the fundamental right to good administration, corporate and public governance and state enterprises. Based on the assumptions found in the works and consulted laws it was possible to conclude that the political influence in state-owned enterprises management can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance if it promotes the public interest and the public purposes achievement, effectively, efficiently and if it preserves the citizens' rights and the principles and rules that make up the legal framework for public administration; and can be considered legitimate in the light of corporate and public governance to the extent that, in a transparent manner and according to the relevant rules, it seeks not the private benefit of politicians, but to promote the public interest or, in other words, the increase of public value produced by them, while protecting and guaranteeing the rights of its stakeholders and shareholders.