775 resultados para human rights, consociations, poer-sharing, transitional justice
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There are various understandings of peace education. What might be called maximalist peace education refers to educating students towards personal fulfilment and the creation of a just and co-operative society. What might be called minimalist peace education refers to educating students to avoid war, militarism and arms races. Peace education is only now being formally accepted as an integral part of educational endeavour, and an important part of this acceptance is recognition in international pronouncements and instruments, emphasizing the importance of a culture of peace and the right to peace. In terms of methodology, peace education includes curriculum, structures and process, and personal leadership. This last element is clearly the most challenging of all.
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The suppression of internal border controls has led the European Union to establish a mechanism for determining the Member State responsible for examining each asylum application, with the main intention of deterring asylum seekers from lodging multiple applications and guaranteeing that it will be assessed by one of the States – the Dublin System. Even though it holds on a variety of criteria, the most commonly used is the country of first entrance in the EU. The growing migrating flows coming mainly from Northern Africa have thus resulted in an incommensurable burden over the border countries. Gradually, countries like Greece, Bulgaria and Italy have lost capability of providing adequate relief to all asylum seekers and the records of fundamental rights violations related to the provision of housing and basic needs or inhuman detention conditions started piling up. To prevent asylum seekers who had already displaced themselves to other Member States from being transferred back to countries where their human dignity is questionable, the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice have developed a solid jurisprudence determining that when there is a risk of serious breach of fundamental rights all transfers to that country must halt, especially when it is identified with systemic deficiencies in the asylum system and procedures. This reflexion will go through the jurisprudence that influenced very recent legislative amendments, in order to identify which elements form part of the obligation not to transfer under the Dublin System. At last, we will critically analyze the new rising obligation, that has clearly proven insufficient in light of the international fundamental rights framework that the Member States and the EU are bound to respect, proposing substantial amendments with a view to reach a future marked by high solidarity and global responsibility from the European Union.
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O enfoque do presente Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso repousa sobre tendência de flexibilização da Imunidade de Jurisdição Estatal em casos de graves violações a Direitos Humanos, tendo em vista o teor das decisões de cortes nacionais e internacionais. A problemática reside no fato de que, em algumas situações, a Imunidade de Jurisdição Estatal, norma utilizada para preservação da soberania estatal, contrapõe-se a direitos fundamentais do cidadão, sujeito de Direito Internacional Público. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho traz à baila a discussão sobre a tendência de flexibilização dessas normas consoante a observância de normas imperativas relativas à proteção de graves violações de Direitos Humanos. A hipótese do presente trabalho consiste em averiguar a tendência de flexibilização da Imunidade de Jurisdição Estatal quando contraposta a graves violações de Direitos Humanos. Observar-se-á, para tanto, o comportamento das cortes nacionais e internacionais, amparados pelos ensinamentos jurídico-doutrinários a respeito da normatização dos direitos em conflito. O intuito dessa explanação consiste não só em um (i) argumento de hierarquia, o qual enseja o questionamento da supremacia jurídica das normas de jus cogens sobre as demais, não se limitando ao Direito dos Tratados, mas também a (ii) no argumento de que a própria imunidade de jurisdição que nasceu de um costume internacional, i.e., prática reiterada uniforme e constante, pode estar-se diante de nova tendência de flexibilização da norma porquanto o surgimento de novo costume internacional, qual seja, a proteção legítima de graves violações de Direitos Humanos.
Resumo:
Além de suas conhecidas contribuições para a teoria do direito no âmbito doméstico, Dworkin escreveu sobre direito internacional. Sua teoria dos direitos humanos estabelece uma distinção entre justiça e legitimidade, sendo que a primeira orienta o domínio do direito doméstico e a segunda, o domínio dos direitos humanos. A distinção tem a vantagem de garantir aos membros da comunidade internacional uma autonomia política compatível com a soberania. No entanto, a concepção de direitos humanos de Dworkin não se ajusta suficientemente à prática do direito internacional e revela um contraste entre o modo pelo qual o autor trata a teoria do direito no âmbito do Estado nacional e no âmbito do direito internacional. Dworkin define a comunidade política doméstica como uma sociedade unida por princípios comuns, enquanto a comunidade internacional é definida pelo mesmo autor como orientada por regras decorrentes de soluções de compromisso ou negociações de interesse sem explicar esse contraste.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.
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Data are provided to CJJP through statistical summary forms completed by the JCSLs. Because forms are completed only when meaningful contact between a student and a liaison takes place, only a portion of the total population served is reported. Meaningful contact is defined as having at least five contacts within a 60-day period (at any point during the academic year) regarding at least one of the referral reasons supplied on the form. Data are entered into a web-based application by the liaisons and retrieved electronically by CJJP via the internet. Service information is submitted and uploaded only at the end of the academic year.
Resumo:
Data are provided to CJJP through statistical summary forms completed by the JCSLs. Because forms are completed only when meaningful contact between a student and a liaison takes place, only a portion of the total population served is reported. Meaningful contact is defined as having at least five contacts within a 60-day period (at any point during the academic year) regarding at least one of the referral reasons supplied on the form. Data are entered into a web-based application by the liaisons and retrieved electronically by CJJP via the internet. Service information is submitted and uploaded only at the end of the academic year.
Resumo:
Data are provided to CJJP through statistical summary forms completed by the JCSLs. Because forms are completed only when meaningful contact between a student and a liaison takes place, only a portion of the total population served is reported. Meaningful contact is defined as having at least five contacts within a 60-day period (at any point during the academic year) regarding at least one of the referral reasons supplied on the form. Data are entered into a web-based application by the liaisons and retrieved electronically by CJJP via the internet. Service information is submitted and uploaded only at the end of the academic year.
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The human rights implications of climate change are increasingly gaining attention, with wider international acknowledgement that climate change poses a real threat to human rights. This paper considers the impact of climate change on human rights, looking particularly at the experiences of Torres Strait Islanders in northern Australia. It argues that human rights law offers a guiding set of principles which can help in developing appropriate strategies to combat climate change. In particular, the normative principles embodied in environmental rights can be useful in setting priorities and evaluating policies in response to climate change. The paper also argues that a human rights perspective can help address the underlying injustice of climate change: that it is the people who have contributed least to the problem who will bear the heaviest burden of its effects.
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Separate systems of justice for children and young people have always been beset by issues of contradiction and compromise. There is compelling evidence that such ambiguity is currently being `resolved' by a greater governmental resort to neo-conservative punitive and correctional interventions and a neo-liberal responsibilizing mentality in which the protection historically afforded to children is rapidly dissolving. This resurgent authoritarianism appears all the more anachronistic when it is set against the widely held commitment to act within the guidelines established by various children's rights conventions. Of note is the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, frequently described as the most ratified human rights convention in the world, but lamentably also the most violated. Based on international research on juvenile custody rates and children's rights compliance in the USA and Western Europe, this article examines why and to what extent `American exceptionalism' might be permeating European nation states.
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Formation of Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) policy within the international climate regime has raised a number of discussions about ‘justice’. REDD+ aims to provide an incentive for developing countries to preserve or increase the amount of carbon stored in their forested areas. Governance of REDD+ is multi-layered: at the international level, a guiding framework must be determined; at the national level, strong legal frameworks are a pre-requisite to ensure both public and private investor confidence and at the sub-national level, forest-dependent peoples need to agree to participate as stewards of forest carbon project areas. At the international level the overall objective of REDD+ is yet to be determined, with competing mitigation, biological and justice agendas. Existing international law pertaining to the environment (international environmental principles and law, IEL) and human rights (international human rights law, IHRL) should inform the development of international and national REDD+ policy especially in relation to ensuring the environmental integrity of projects and participation and benefit-sharing rights for forest dependent communities. National laws applicable to REDD+ must accommodate the needs of all stakeholders and articulate boundaries which define their interactions, paying particular attention to ensuring that vulnerable groups are protected. This paper i) examines justice theories and IEL and IHRL to inform our understanding of what ‘justice’ means in the context of REDD+, and ii) applies international law to create a reference tool for policy-makers dealing with the complex sub-debates within this emerging climate policy. We achieve this by: 1) Briefly outlining theories of justice (for example – perspectives offered by anthropogenic and ecocentric approaches, and views from ‘green economics’). 2) Commenting on what ‘climate justice’ means in the context of REDD+. 3) Outlining a selection of IEL and IHRL principles and laws to inform our understanding of ‘justice’ in this policy realm (for example – common but differentiated responsibilities, the precautionary principle, sovereignty and prevention drawn from the principles of IEL, the UNFCCC and CBD as relevant conventions of international environmental law; and UNDRIP and the Declaration on the Right to Development as applicable international human rights instruments) 4) Noting how this informs what ‘justice’ is for different REDD+ stakeholders 5) Considering how current law-making (at both the international and national levels) reflects these principles and rules drawn from international law 6) Presenting how international law can inform policy-making by providing a reference tool of applicable international law and how it could be applied to different issues linked to REDD+. As such, this paper will help scholars and policy-makers to understand how international law can assist us to both conceptualise and embody ‘justice’ within frameworks for REDD+ at both the international and national levels.
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At a time of increased evaluations of law, human rights, and the rise of judicial power all over the globe, the work of most African judiciaries and the principles of the jurisprudence they espouse in promoting social justice remain an unlikely focus of comparative legal scholarship. This ought not to be so in view of the considerable activities of the courts on the continent in the dawn of the third wave of democratization. This article explores the work of the Nigerian Supreme Court in the political transition to democracy since 1999. Utilizing insights from the work of Ruti Teitel, it attempts to outline some of the major constitutional and extraconstitutional principles adopted by the Court in mediating intergovernmental contestations in the turbulent transition away from almost three decades of authoritarian military rule. It emerges that the task of fostering social transformation through the “weakest” branch seriously tasks the institutional integrity of the judiciary.
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Following its transition to democracy from an authoritarian military rule marked by gross violations of human rights, Nigeria established the Human Rights Violations Investigations Commission (HRVIC) in 1999. This paper critically examines the contributions of the HRVIC, popularly known as the ‘Oputa Panel,’ to the field of transitional justice and the rule of law. It sets out the process of establishing the Commission, its mandate and how this mandate was interpreted during the course of the Commission’s work. The challenges faced by the Oputa Panel, particularly those that relate to its legal status and relationship with the judiciary, are analyzed in an attempt to draw useful guidelines from these challenges for other truth commissions. Recourse by powerful individuals to the judicial process in a bid to shield themselves from the HRVIC merits particular review as it raises questions regarding the transformation of the judiciary and the rule of law in the wake of an authoritarian regime.
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Many prosecutors and commentators have praised the victim provisions at the International Criminal Court (ICC) as 'justice for victims', which for the first time include participation, protection and reparations. This book critically examines the role of victims in international criminal justice, drawing from human rights, victimology, and best practices in transitional justice.
Drawing on field research in Northern Uganda, Luke Moffet explores the nature of international crimes and assesses the role of victims in the proceedings of the ICC, paying particular attention to their recognition, participation, reparations and protection. The book argues that because of the criminal nature and structural limitations of the ICC, justice for victims is symbolic, requiring State Parties to complement the work of the Court to address victims' needs.
In advancing an innovative theory of justice for victims, and in offering solutions to current challenges, the book will be of great interest and use to academics, practitioners and students engaged in victimology, the ICC, transitional justice, or reparations.