704 resultados para domination
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ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: A BETTER PLACE TO BE: REPUBLICANISM AS AN ALTENATIVE TO THE AUTHORITARIANISM-DEMOCRACY DICHOTOMY Christopher Ronald Binetti, Doctor of Philosophy, and 2016 Dissertation directed by: Dr. Charled Frederick Alford, Department of Government and Politics In this dissertation, I argue that in modern or ancient regimes, the simple dichotomy between democracies and autocracies/dictatorships is both factually wrong and problematic for policy purposes. It is factually wrong because regimes between the two opposite regime types exist and it is problematic because the either/or dichotomy leads to extreme thinking in terms of nation-building in places like Afghanistan. In planning for Afghanistan, the argument is that either we can quickly nation-build it into a liberal democracy or else we must leave it in the hands of a despotic dictator. This is a false choice created by both a faulty categorization of regime types and most importantly, a failure to understand history. History shows us that the republic is a regime type that defies the authoritarian-democracy dichotomy. A republic by my definition is a non-dominating regime, characterized by a (relative) lack of domination by any one interest group or actor, mostly non-violent competition for power among various interest groups/factions, the ability of factions/interest groups/individual actors to continue to legitimately play the political game even after electoral or issue-area defeat and some measure of effectiveness. Thus, a republic is a system of government that has institutions, laws, norms, attitudes, and beliefs that minimize the violation of the rule of law and monopolization of power by one individual or group as much as possible. These norms, laws, attitudes, and beliefs ae essential to the republican system in that they make those institutions that check and balance power work. My four cases are Assyria, Persia, Venice and Florence. Assyria and Persia are ancient regimes, the first was a republic and then became the frightening opposite of a republic, while the latter was a good republic for a long time, but had effectiveness issues towards the end. Venice is a classical example of a medieval or early modern republic, which was very inspirational to Madison and others in building republican America. Florence is the example of a medieval republic that fell to despotism, as immortalized by Machiavelli’s writings. In all of these examples, I test certain alternative hypotheses as well as my own.
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A presente dissertação parte do problema sobe a possibilidade de compreender uma racionalidade não instrumental, em relação à dominação técnica e científica da natureza para pensar a Educação Ambiental. A pesquisa teve como principais objetivos compreender e interpretar a Natureza e a Educação Ambiental para alem do sentido historicamente produzido pela ciência sobre a relação homem e natureza em confronto com outras interpretações oriundas de uma visão ampliada de racionalidade. Propõe-se a desconstrução por meio de um exercício hermenêutico da concepção de natureza e forma de agir proposta pela ciência moderna como propósito de desvendar o caráter ideológico da ciência e dos múltiplos usos que carrega o conceito. A investigação permitiu identificar aspectos críticos da racionalidade que se desenvolveu no mundo ocidental e tem causado inúmeros problemas ao meio ambiente e à sobrevivência da natureza e da espécie humana. A presente Dissertação foi pensada na proposta de radicalização da ideia de compreensão como interpretação, de modo a apresentar como método de produção de conhecimento a interpretação narrativo-interpretativa proposta pela hermenêutica.
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This dissertation traces the ways in which nineteenth-century fictional narratives of white settlement represent “family” as, on the one hand, an abstract theoretical model for a unified and relatively homogenous British settler empire and on the other, a fundamental challenge to ideas about imperial integrity and transnational Anglo-Saxon racial identification. I argue that representations of transoceanic white families in nineteenth-century fictions about Australian settler colonialism negotiate the tension between the bounded domesticity of an insular English nation and the kind of kinship that spans oceans and continents as a result of mass emigration from the British isles to the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and the Australian colonies. As such, these fictions construct productive analogies between the familial metaphors and affective language in the political discourse of “Greater Britain”—-a transoceanic imagined community of British settler colonies and their “mother country” united by race and language—-and ideas of family, gender, and domesticity as they operate within specific bourgeois families. Concerns over the disruption of transoceanic families bear testament to contradictions between the idea of a unified imperial identity (both British and Anglo-Saxon), the proliferation of fractured local identities (such as settlers’ English, Irish Catholic, and Australian nationalisms), and the conspicuous absence of indigenous families from narratives of settlement. I intervene at the intersection of postcolonial literary criticism and gender theory by examining the strategic deployments of heteronormative kinship metaphors and metonymies in the rhetorical consolidation of settler colonial space. Settler colonialism was distinct from the “civilizing” domination of subject peoples in South Asia in that it depended on the rhetorical construction of colonial territory as empty space or as land occupied by nearly extinct “primitive” races. This dissertation argues that political rhetoric, travel narratives, and fiction used the image of white female bourgeois reproductive power and sentimental attachment as a technology for settler colonial success, embodying this technology both in the benevolent figure of the metropolitan “mother country” (the paternalistic female counter to the material realities of patriarchal and violent settler colonial practices) and in fictional juxtapositions of happy white settler fecund families with the solitary self-extinguishing figure of the black aboriginal “savage.” Yet even in the narratives where the continuity and coherence of families across imperial space is questioned—-and “Greater Britain” itself—-domesticity and heteronormative familial relations effectively rewrite settler space as white, Anglo-Saxon and bourgeois, and the sentimentalism of troubled European families masks the presence and genocide of indigenous aboriginal peoples. I analyze a range of novels and political texts, canonical and non-canonical, metropolitan and colonial. My introductory first chapter examines the discourse on a “Greater Britain” in the travel narratives of J.A. Froude, Charles Wentworth Dilke, and Anthony Trollope and in the Oxbridge lectures of Herman Merivale and J.R. Seeley. These writers make arguments for an imperial economy of affect circulating between Britain and the settler colonies that reinforces political connections, and at times surpasses the limits of political possibility by relying on the language of sentiment and feeling to build a transoceanic “Greater British” community. Subsequent chapters show how metropolitan and colonial fiction writers, including Charles Dickens, Anthony Trollope, Marcus Clarke, Henry Kingsley, and Catherine Helen Spence, test the viability of this “Greater British” economy of affect by presenting transoceanic family connections and structures straining under the weight of forces including the vast distances between colonies and the “mother country,” settler violence, and the transportation system.
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Publiées dans la Collection des prospects durant la guerre d’Indépendance américaine, les vues d’optique Vuë de la Place capitale dans la Ville basse a Quebec, Vuë de la haute ville a Quebeck, Vuë de la basse Ville a Quebec vers le fleuve St-Laurent, Vuë de la rue des recolets de Quebeck et Vuë de Quebeck gravées par les Allemands Franz Xaver Habermann (1721-1796) et Balthasar Frederich Leizelt (1755-1812) entretiennent des liens ténus avec la configuration réelle de la ville de Québec qu’elles représentent. L’escamotage du paradigme documentaire dans ces images est l’enjeu principal de ce mémoire. Il permet de mettre l’accent sur les contraintes formelles découlant du dispositif optique de lecture utilisé ainsi que sur les modèles culturels concernant la perception du territoire urbain américain ayant prévalu lors de la création et de la réception des cinq vues d’optique à l’étude. L’analyse de la vision fictionnelle du paysage donnera également des indices sur les orientations idéologiques et l’imaginaire du lieu, perçu comme un ailleurs lointain, par un ensemble politique qui n’exerce pas de domination directe sur la colonie installée sur le bord du fleuve Saint-Laurent.
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This study approaches bureaucratic organizational structures with the aim to understand the adherence procedure to virtual technologies in the stricto sensu educational administrative process. Thus, the author navigates through the formation of these organizations in Brazil with the intent to demonstrate the bureaucratic organizational culture and the consequent form of domination of those who detain power. In this epistemological construction, the author explores the culture s bureaucratic environment and the organizational power. In the analyses, it was observed the technological phenomenon in the ODL s administrative environment, which can explain the adherence procedure to structures and technological instruments for stricto sensu courses that, hypothetically, dilutes the traditional inherited organizational axiom. Therefore, it was utilized as object of study the Professional Master s degree in National Scale Public Administration PROFIAP, hence analyzing the documental content and the legislation related to institutionalization as well as the positioning of professors/coordinators and of the director of CAPES/MEC. Considering this axioms, it was concluded that the bureaucratic structures can admit ODL in the stricto sensu s environment. However, this can only be done as long as the adherence does not imply in a dilution of the traditional forms of power and institutional bureaucratic inherited dominance, as well as the alleged hegemony of the governmental structure in the educational administration adopted in person by the stricto sensu courses in Brazil
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The discussion of European cosmopolitanism and civil society has failed to take questions of culture seriously enough. While remaining sympathetic to liberal forms of cosmopolitanism, this article considers the view that such proposals fail to make space for the 'Other'. In the context of histories of nationalist violence, masculinism and consumerism this article discusses the charge that ideas of European civilization need to be reconsidered. In the final part of the article, I discuss the view that cultural feminism and certain versions of multiculturalism have much to contribute towards the European project. However, at this point, I seek to distance myself from essentialist arguments in respect of identity. A generative European cosmopolitanism would do well to take questions of cultural domination seriously without reducing the complexity of modern identities.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Antropologia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Antropologia Social, 2015.
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En las últimas décadas hemos asistido a un importante impulso en las investigaciones centradas en el análisis de las masculinidades. Este hecho no es casual y se debe fundamentalmente a dos razones. Una de carácter político, relacionada con el cuestionamiento de una sociedad representada exclusivamente en términos masculinos. Una segunda razón de carácter científico, ¿si la feminidad debía ser explicada por qué no la masculinidad? Ambas razones han incidido en la desnaturalización de una supuesta masculinidad de carácter universal y en la profusión de investigaciones tendentes a desvelar: las formas sociales de construir a los hombres, los mecanismos de reproducción del poder inscritos en los cuerpos, los desiguales modelos sociales en torno a lo masculino, las relaciones de dominación que se producen entre hombres y mujeres, y entre los propios hombres. Este cuestionamiento teórico de “lo masculino” ha estado muy vinculado al papel de los movimientos sociales y especialmente del feminismo y los movimientos de liberación sexual, que han jugado un papel central en la redefinición del papel de hombres y mujeres, y por tanto en la búsqueda de nuevas alternativas a los modelos tradicionales, también entre los propios hombres. En las páginas siguientes nos aproximaremos precisamente a la noción de masculinidad y masculinidades, incidiendo en su carácter relacional y cambiante, así como en sus distintas significaciones.
Réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques dans la littérature coloniale des XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles
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L’objectif de ce travail était d’apporter une réflexion sur les influences du colonialisme européen aux XVII-XVIIIe siècles. Ayant déjà rédigé mon mémoire de fin de maîtrise sur la Corinthe archaïque et ses colonies, j’ai souhaité approfondir la question, en choisissant de situer la problématique dans un contexte historiographique plus large, dans le temps comme dans l’espace. Plusieurs auteurs se sont intéressés aux réceptions de l’Antiquité à des périodes spécifiques (Grell et Alexandre le Grand en France, Richard et les influences antiques de la Révolution américaine,…). Cependant, aucune analyse sur le long terme n’avait encore été fournie, pas davantage qu’une réflexion de fonds sur la place de l’Antiquité dans la manière de penser les colonies en Europe moderne. Cet état de fait, de même que la relative rareté des sources modernes traitant des colonies grecques, m’ont obligé à élargir au maximum le champ de recherche, en y incluant des auteurs qui, s’ils ne se préoccupèrent pas de colonisation, recoururent néanmoins au précédent grec pour illustrer des problématiques de leur temps. Toutefois, il est possible de constater à quel point les répertoires historiographiques concernant la Grèce antique et ses colonisations se sont développés dans le courant de ces deux siècles qui virent l’apogée et la chute des premiers empires coloniaux européens en Amérique du nord. Si la comparaison à l’Histoire grecque ne relevait souvent que du Topos et de la propagande (comme dans le cas de la comparaison du Grand Condé ou de Louis XIV à Alexandre le Grand), son utilisation dans le cadre de controverses à plus large échelle outrepassait aussi le seul lieu commun pour s’inscrire dans un discours rhétorique plus approfondi. Le choix de la colonisation grecque comme modèle de comparaison s’imposait d’autant plus logiquement que les divers auteurs, depuis les premiers colons jusqu’aux pères fondateurs américains, insistaient sur les mérites économiques des colonies européennes. D’autres régimes, comme l’empire espagnol au XVIe siècle ou l’empire britannique au XIXe siècle, ont davantage recouru à une terminologie d’inspiration romaine. En effet, leur politique se fondait plus sur l’idée d’une extension impérialiste de l’État que sur une vision commerciale du colonialisme. L’article de Krishan Kumar demeure l’un des plus importants sur la question. La réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques aux Temps modernes fut avant tout le fruit d’une tentative de définition du colonialisme comme phénomène global, et d’une volonté de situer les nations européennes dans un contexte remontant aux origines de l’Occident. À l’heure où l’Europe amorçait sa domination sur la totalité de la planète, et où la course à la colonisation s’accélérait, la majorité des auteurs s’abritaient derrière l’image de thalassocraties antiques qui, si elles ne dénotaient pas un pouvoir politique centralisé, n’en contribuèrent pas moins à imposer la culture fondatrice de la pensée occidentale à tout le bassin méditerranéen. Quant aux guerres qui poussèrent les puissances antiques les unes contre les autres, elles ne faisaient qu’augurer des conflits à large échelle que furent les guerres franco-britanniques du XVIIIe siècle.
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Wydział Biologii
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Departamento de Geografia, Programa de Pós Graduação em Geografia, 2015.
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This work aims to understand the spatial organization in the Town of Macau, State of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil. This approach focus on bringing back the history of the town, the main personages responsible for the construction of this place, denominated "social agents", as well as its social processes and the spatial forms derived from them. As the personages and their practices were identified, it was found out the existence of a driving force for structuring, interlocking, and maintaining the actions carried out by the social agents during the time. Such actions were materialized in the urban space: "the social segregation". The social segregation takes place as a specific geography of domination. The outcome of those owning the best areas" and ways of accessibility in the urban space, varies from the enrichment by property valorization, because of the concentration of public investments of infrastructure, to the comfort of easily reaching all the daily needs related to the displacements in the urban space. In the latter case, such facility has contributed to improve life quality. While one takes advantage of the location in the urban space, others are negatively affected by the same process. This research identified the salina worker as the weakest element of this social structure, occupying the urban periphery of the town of Macau. Such area is characterized by the lack of services and urban equipment in opposition to the center of the town, the locus of elite. This way, it is established the most known segregation pattern: center x periphery, in which the space acts as a mechanism of segregation
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El presente trabajo estudia los textos refranísticos utilizados frecuentemente en la ciudad de Cuenca como vehículos y agentes de violencia simbólica racial. La aproximación a los dichos populares, proverbios y refranes racialmente discriminatorios a través del Análisis Crítico del Discurso permite evidenciar la presencia del racismo como representación de las relaciones de poder y dominación heredadas desde la Colonia y que hoy son parte del patrón de dominación llamado Colonialidad del poder por Aníbal Quijano.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2016.
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El desarrollo y reforzamiento de los sistemas agroalimentarios localizados, conjuntos de pequeñas unidades de agroindustria rural, pueden considerarse como un medio importante de reducción de la pobreza en las regiones rurales de América Latina. Sin embargo, la validez de tal propuesta tiene que ser valorada, teniendo en cuenta los siguientes elementos: La dinámica de los SIALES radica en procesos de activación de recursos específicos, que son productos de la acción colectiva. Forman parte de cadenas con una gobernabilidad caracterizada por el dominio de actores de debajo de la cadena, tal como las grandes distribuidoras. La pobreza no se define únicamente por la falta de recursos monetarios, sino también por la falta de capacidades. La eficacia de la acción colectiva de activación de los recursos específicos yace en la capacidad de control de estos recursos por parte de los actores involucrados, hasta con el diseño de dispositivos de exclusión acerca de ellos, lo que puede con llevar la marginalización de otros actores. Es una necesidad tanto más apremiante cuanto más ubica el SIAL en un contexto de mercado globalizado. El caso de las señales de calidad basadas en el origen territorial de los productos lo ilustra. Por otra parte, la dinámica de los SIALES puede conllevar a profundizar las capacidades, especialmente a través de procesos de aprendizaje. Las políticas públicas pueden reforzar el proceso, proporcionando bienes públicos y fomentando procesos participativos a nivel local. Al final el desarrollo de los SIALES no constituye de por sí una garantía de reducción de las desigualdades, pero refuerza las capacidades y además es un tipo de cambio estructural, de los que se suelen asociar con la noción de desarrollo. ABSTRACT The development of Local agri-food systems (LAS), as clusters of small rural food-processing units, can be seen as a powerful means of poverty alleviation in rural areas of Latin America. The relevance of such a statement must, nevertheless, be assessed in the light of the following elements: LAS dynamics rest on activation processes of specific resources, as a result of collective action. LAS are part of commodity chains whose governance is characterized by the domination of downstream actors such as large retailers. Poverty does not only refer to the shortage of monetary income, but also to the absence of capacities. The efficiency of collective action involved in the activation process of specific resources depends on the capacity of relevant actors to control the access. As a result, other actors can be cast aside in the process. It is true that these resources must be valorized in a globalized market. The case of quality signals based on geographical origin can be an example of that. On the other side, LAS dynamics can boost the development of capacities, particularly by promoting learning by doing. Public policies can channel tis process by delivering public goods and promoting participation at a local level. All in all, the development of LAS is not per se a guarantee against the deepening of inequality. But it is a capacity-building factor and entails structural changes which are yhe essence of development processes.