851 resultados para critics
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This memoir chronicles the three summers I spent working in the factories at Chestnut Hill Gazebos. It focuses on three narrative strands: the day-to-day life of a factory worker, the struggles within and eventual breakdown of my relationship with my girlfriend, and how my job at Chestnut Hill helped me critique my fundamentalist Christian roots by forcing me into a deeper understanding of my faith and its relationship to the world outside the confines of my upbringing. The critical afterword uses essays by Leona Toker and other theorists as a framework for understanding how I approached several different problems when writing my memoir, such as how to present incomplete memories of events, whether or not to condense events for the sake of a more streamlined narrative, and whether or not a memoirist should use composite characters. I explain how various practitioners and critics influenced my decisions, and I also compare my approach to the practices of other memoirists.
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Female satirists have long been treated by critics as anomalies within an androcentric genre because of the reticence to acknowledge women's right to express aggression through their writing. In Pride and Prejudice (1813), A House and Its Head (1935), and The Girls of Slender Means (1963), Jane Austen (1775-1817), Ivy Compton-Burnett (1884-1969), and Muriel Spark (1918-2006) all combine elements of realism and satire within the vehicle of the domestic novel to target institutions of their patriarchal societies, including marriage and family dynamics, as well as the evolving conceptions of domesticity and femininity, with a subtle feminism. These female satirists illuminate the problems they have with society more through presentation than judgment in their satire, which places them on the fringes of a society they wish to educate, distinguishing their satire from that written by male satirists who are judging from a privileged height above the society they are attempting to correct. All three women create heroines and secondary female characters who find ways to survive, and occasionally thrive, within the confines of a polite society that has a streak of savagery running just beneath its polished surface.
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Sustainable development (or sustainability) is a decision-making framework for maintaining and achieving human well-being, both in the present and into the future. The framework requires both consideration and achievement of environmental protection, social justice and economic development. In that framework, environmental protection must be integrated into decisions about social and economic development, and social justice and economic viability must be integrated into decisions about environmental quality. First endorsed by the world’s nations in 1992, this framework is intended to provide an effective response to the twin global challenges of growing environmental degradation and widespread extreme poverty. Sustainability provides a framework for humans to live in harmony with nature, rather than at nature’s expense. It may therefore be one of the most important ideas to come out of the 20th century. In the last two decades, the framework has become a touchstone in nearly every economic sector and at every level of government, unleashing an extraordinary range of creativity in all of those realms. Sustainable development is having a significant effect on the practice of law and on the way in which laws are written and implemented. Understanding the framework is increasingly important for law makers and lawyers. As sustainable development (or sustainability) has grown in prominence, its critics have become more numerous and more vocal. Three major lines of criticism are that the term is “too boring” to command public attention, “too vague” to provide guidance, and “too late” to address the world’s problems. Critics suggest goals such as abundance, environmental integrity, and resilience. Beginning with the international agreements that shaped the concept of sustainable development, this Article provides a functional and historical analysis of the meaning of sustainable development. It then analyzes and responds to each of these criticisms in turn. While the critics, understood constructively, suggest ways of strengthening this framework, they do not provide a compelling alternative. The challenge for lawyers, law makers, and others is to use and improve this framework to make better decisions.
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En este estudio se presenta y analiza, proyectándola en su contexto, la producción de vivienda protegida acometida por la Obra Sindical del Hogar en la ciudad de Albacete, desde la creación de este organismo hasta su disolución, es decir, a lo largo de la dictadura franquista. La investigación viene, por un lado, a llenar el vacío que, en la bibliografía de referencia, existía, habida cuenta de que se trata de una arquitectura en su mayoría modesta, generalmente mal conservada, periférica y, en ocasiones, injustamente marginada que apenas ha interesado ni a los eruditos ni a los críticos. Por otro lado, el trabajo se alinea con el interés disciplinar que, desde hace ya bastante tiempo, despierta en el panorama nacional la vivienda social, tema clave tanto en el quehacer profesional de los arquitectos como en el conocimiento del devenir de la historia de la arquitectura moderna española y sus relaciones, intercambios e influencias con el ámbito internacional. Así, se estudian y documentan seis promociones que abarcan desde la escala del barrio (Barrio Hogar Nacional Sindicalista, al oeste del casco urbano), hasta la actuación puntual en un solar (Gabriel Ciscar, al norte), pasando por actuaciones que juegan con varios bloques y su composición (grupos San Juan Bautista, Emperador Carlos V o Lope de Vega, al sur), culminando con la construcción de un nuevo barrio (Hermanos Falcó), al dictado tanto de los aires que respira el urbanismo europeo (1ª fase), como de la entrega sin reservas a la especulación inmobiliaria (2ª fase, no realizada).
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Julian Barnes, Pat Barker, and Hanif Kureishi are all canonical authors whose fictions are widely believed to reflect the cultural and political state of a nation that is post-war, post-imperial and post-modern. While much has been written on how Barker’s and Kureishi’s early works in particular respond to and intervene in the presiding political narrative of the 1980s – Thatcherism – treatment of how revenants of Thatcherism have shaped these writers’ works from 1990 on has remained cursory. Thatcherism is more than an obvious historical reference point for Barker, Barnes, and Kureishi; their works demonstrate a sophisticated understanding of how Thatcher’s reworkings of the repertoires of Englishness – a representational as well as political and cultural endeavour – persist beyond her time in office. Barnes, Barker, and Kureishi seem to have reached the same conclusion as political and cultural critics: Thatcher and Thatcherism have remade not only the contemporary political and cultural landscapes but also the electorate and consequently the English themselves. Tony Blair’s conception of the New Britain proved less than satisfactory because contemporary repertoires of Englishness repeat and rework historical and not incidentally imperial formulations of England and Englishness rather than envision civic and populist formulations of renewal. Barnes’s England, England and Arthur & George confront the discourse of inevitability that has come to be attached to contemporary formulations of both political and cultural Englishness – both in terms of its predictable demise and its belated celebration. Kureishi’s The Buddha of Suburbia and “The Body” speak to an alteration that has taken place in which historical Englishness and Thatcherism have become complementary rather than contrasting discourses. What Barker’s Border Crossing and Double Vision offer against this backdrop is a subtle interrogation of how renewal itself comes to be a presiding mode of cultural reflection that absorbs revolutionary possibility.
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Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy.
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Through an imaginary dialogue with a defender of the transhumanism – whose most significant representative is the philosopher Nick Bostrom – this paper aims to critically evaluate the ethical legitimacy of becoming a posthuman when we grow up. After a characterization of the transhumanist project and a definition of posthuman condition, the axiological reasons that underlie the desire to become a posthuman are examined.In a second momentit will be discussed the issue of whether we should want to be a posthuman when we grow up. A comparison is carried out between the relative strength of the arguments for the legitimacy of the transhumanist project and the possible objections, which are mainly based in an appeal to the idea of human nature, that are usually produced by the critics of transhumanism, such as Francis Fukuyama. Finally, the real possibilities of becoming a post human are outlined and, considering the uncertainty about the future and the difference between what can and what should be done, we are asked toreally think about what we want to be.
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The European Union (EU) has been hailed as the most successful model of regional integration thus far, while the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), despite its fair share of critics and doomsayers, has been seen as a relatively successful regional organisation in the developing world. However, both seemed to have arrived at a critical juncture in their respective regional projects. Challenged by recent events, internal and external, and faced with increasing uncertainties and complexities, the EU and ASEAN are forced to re-examine the journey they have taken so far and ponder the road ahead. This paper seeks first to provide an overview of the two parallel processes of regionalism in Europe and Southeast Asia by focusing on the developments of the EU and ASEAN, and dissecting both the external forces and internal dynamics that shape the respective regional processes. It then sketches out some of the global trends likely to impact regional developments in Europe and Asia, and questions if the EU and ASEAN would need a new regional approach or paradigm if they are to maintain their salience and relevance as regional actors.
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This paper analyses the main critiques addressed by the literature and the policymakers to the 1997 Stability and Growth Pact. It further indicates to what extent the 2005 reform of the Pact meets those critics. It finally argues that the 2005 reform may be too little and arrive too late to restore the Pact credibility, ensure its enforceability and correctly set the derogations to the excessive deficit procedure on the nature of the shocks which cause the output gap rather than its size: a 3% of GDP limit on deficit spending may be a too binding constraint in front of a strongly negative demand shock, while it is irrationally large in front of a supply shock. Some empirical evidence is provided to identify in the last years strongly negative demand shocks from other shocks in the 25 EU Member States. Had this identifying method been adopted in November 2003, the European Commission and the Council would have both agreed to stop the excessive deficit procedure against Germany, but they would have both proceeded against France which apparently was not at the time hit by a strongly negative demand shock.
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The negotiations on the third bailout package for Greece are still going on, but the euro area has already paid a high price for it. The compromise on which it is based is clearly very controversial. Some of its critics believe that it does not make sense in economic terms, whereas others point out that it may have an adverse political effect. But what in fact is Greece actually supposed to be doing, and what does all this mean with regard to sovereignty and democracy?
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Herederas de propuestas disciplinarias originales, como la teoría de la dependencia -y sus posteriores críticas desde el marxismo-, o del pensamiento socioeconómico de la CEPAL, las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas toman distancia de enfoques anglo-euro-céntricos, para avanzar en una línea crítica del pensamiento y de las prácticas neocolonialistas. El desafío para el pensamiento es ser cosmopolita y simultáneamente latinoamericano. En este proceso, el pensamiento social latinoamericano está logrando recuperar su originalidad y vigor, gracias a un rico diálogo Sur-Sur que no pierde de vista el carácter global de sus reflexiones y de sus referentes universales. Aunque ni el marxismo clásico ni el occidental son hegemónicos dentro de la teoría crítica, el (neo)marxismo enriquecido con la crítica a la colonialidad del poder, la teoría del Sistema-mundo, la geopolítica crítica y la ecología política recuperan el campo de la teoría crítica en clave fundadora de un pensamiento de época. Sus debates epistemológicos con el post-estructuralismo y diversos enfoques posmodernos configuran los desarrollos recientes de la teoría crítica.
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Reprint: Rassegna Nazionale (Firenze : Ufficio della Rassegna Nazionale), anno 12, fasc. 478.
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Each no. has also a distinctive title.
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Includes index.
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Volumes paged separately.