915 resultados para Individual property rights
Resumo:
The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
Resumo:
It is common to find in experimental data persistent oscillations in the aggregate outcomes and high levels of heterogeneity in individual behavior. Furthermore, it is not unusual to find significant deviations from aggregate Nash equilibrium predictions. In this paper, we employ an evolutionary model with boundedly rational agents to explain these findings. We use data from common property resource experiments (Casari and Plott, 2003). Instead of positing individual-specific utility functions, we model decision makers as selfish and identical. Agent interaction is simulated using an individual learning genetic algorithm, where agents have constraints in their working memory, a limited ability to maximize, and experiment with new strategies. We show that the model replicates most of the patterns that can be found in common property resource experiments.
Resumo:
Following the approach developed by Luttens (2010), we consider a model where individuals with di fferent levels of skills exert di fferent levels of e ffor. Speci fically, we propose a redistribution mechanism based on a lower bound on what every individual deserves: the so-called minimal rights (O'Neill (1982)). Our re finement of Luttens' mechanism ensures at the same time minimal rights based solidarity, participation (non-negativity) and claims feasibility. Keywords: Redistribution mechanism, Minimal rights, Solidarity, Participation, Claims feasibility. JEL classi fication: C71, D63, D71.
Resumo:
Effector T lymphocytes are the progeny of a limited number of antigen- specific precursor cells and it has been estimated that clonotypic human T cells may expand million fold on their way reaching high cell numbers that are sufficient for immune protection. Moreover, memory T cell responses are characterized by repetitive expansion of antigen-specific T cell clonotypes, and limitations in the proliferative capacity could lead to immune senescence. Because telomeres progressively shorten as a function of cell division, telomere length is a powerful indicator of the replicative in vivo history of human T lymphocytes. In this review, we summarize observations made over the last decade on telomere length dynamics of well-defined T cell populations derived from healthy donors and patients with infectious disease or cancer. We focus on T cell differentiation, T cell ageing, and natural and vaccine induced immune responses. We also discuss the scientific evidence for in vivo replicative senescence of antigen-specific T cells, and evaluate the available methods for measuring telomere lengths and telomerase activity, and their potential and limitations to increase our understanding of T cell physiology. (C) 2007 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
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AbstractOBJECTIVETo analyze child health care and the defense of their rights from the perspective of adolescent mothers.METHODSAn exploratory study with qualitative thematic analysis of data, based on conceptual aspects of care and the right to health, from semi-structured interviews with 20 adolescent mothers ascribed by Family Health teams.RESULTSMaternal reports indicate that child health care requires responsibility and protection, with health practices that promote child advocacy. Gaps in assistance which preclude the full guarantee of the right to child health care were also highlighted.CONCLUSIONThe right to health care assumed different meanings, and the forms to guarantee them were linked to individual behavior in detriment to broader actions that consider health as a social product, connected to the guarantee of other fundamental rights.
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In most highway asset management exercises, real estate used in alignments is considered to be an asset class that does not depreciate. Although the treatment of right of way assets as non-depreciable real property may be appropriate as an accounting exercise, the fact is that the real estate contained in transportation corridors can in fact lose value from a traffic service point of view. Such facilities become functionally obsolete in that they no longer serve the purpose that was intended when they were planned, designed, and built. This report is intended to begin a discussion of the topic of how highway alignments ought be valued as assets as opposed to how they generally are valued, at either book value or replacement value, given it can be shown that some highway alignments do in fact depreciate in value.
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When individuals learn by trial-and-error, they perform randomly chosen actions and then reinforce those actions that led to a high payoff. However, individuals do not always have to physically perform an action in order to evaluate its consequences. Rather, they may be able to mentally simulate actions and their consequences without actually performing them. Such fictitious learners can select actions with high payoffs without making long chains of trial-and-error learning. Here, we analyze the evolution of an n-dimensional cultural trait (or artifact) by learning, in a payoff landscape with a single optimum. We derive the stochastic learning dynamics of the distance to the optimum in trait space when choice between alternative artifacts follows the standard logit choice rule. We show that for both trial-and-error and fictitious learners, the learning dynamics stabilize at an approximate distance of root n/(2 lambda(e)) away from the optimum, where lambda(e) is an effective learning performance parameter depending on the learning rule under scrutiny. Individual learners are thus unlikely to reach the optimum when traits are complex (n large), and so face a barrier to further improvement of the artifact. We show, however, that this barrier can be significantly reduced in a large population of learners performing payoff-biased social learning, in which case lambda(e) becomes proportional to population size. Overall, our results illustrate the effects of errors in learning, levels of cognition, and population size for the evolution of complex cultural traits. (C) 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
Resident rights are guaranteed by the federal Nursing Home Reform Law of 1987, which requires nursing facilities to promote and protect the rights of each resident and places a strong emphasis on individual dignity and self-determination. Residents’ rights include, but are not limited to: • Being treated with respect and dignity • Being free from abuse and chemical and physical restraints • Participating in one’s own care and treatment • Being ensured information is being kept confidential • Managing one’s own finances • Being free to voice grievances, without fear of retaliation • Being able to associate and communicate privately with any person • Being able to send and receive personal mail • Making independent choices • Being able to apply for state and federal assistance without discrimination • Being informed of rights, services available and all charges prior to admission • Being given advance notice of a transfer or discharge
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Bulgaria is historically a multicultural society, composed of the Bulgarian (ethnic) majority and a number of ethnic minorities among which Bulgarian Turks and Roma are the largest. Both minority communities are stigmatized in contemporary Bulgaria, though to different degrees and for different reasons. Ethnic minorities' rights to preserve their culture, customs, and language are a topic of contentious debate. The purpose of this study was to examine individual- and context-level antecedents of the ethnic Bulgarian majority's support for multicultural rights of ethnic minorities. Multilevel regression analyses were conducted with International Social Survey Programme ISSP 2003 data (N = 920 in 28 Bulgarian districts). At the individual-level, an ethnic conception of the nation and anti-Roma symbolic prejudice were negatively related to support for multicultural rights, whereas national identification was positively related to the support of these rights. Over and above individual-level effects, and in line with recent extensions of intergroup contact theory, thepercentage ofBulgarianTurks withindistricts was positively related to support for multicultural rights. Importantly, support for multicultural rights was particularly high in districts characterized by ethnic diversity, that is, in districts with high proportions of both Bulgarian Turks and Roma. The beneficial effects of ethnic diversity and theoretical implications of findings are discussed.
Resumo:
Tausta Vaikka nuorisorikollisuus on kriminologisen tutkimuksen perinteinen kohde, on edelleen tarvetta pitkittäistutkimuksille, joissa on laaja, koko väestöä edustava otos. Kriminaalipolitiikan alalla puolestaan rikosten sovittelu ja muut restoratiivisen oikeuden muodot ovat nousseet Suomessakin haastamaan perinteiset rikoskontrollin paradigmat, rangaistuksen ja hoidon. Tutkimuskysymykset Tutkimuksen pääkysymyksenä oli, mitkä lapsuudessa (8 v.) ja nuoruudessa (18 v.) mitatut psykososiaaliset tekijät ovat yhteydessä nuorisorikollisuuden (16-20 v.) määrään ja lajiin. Lisäksi yhtenä kysymyksenä oli, miten varusmiespalvelun aikaiset psykiatriset diagnoosit liittyvät nuorisorikollisuuteen. Lisäksi tutkimme nuorisorikollisuuden esiintyvyyttä ja palvelujen käyttöä, ja vertailimme eri informanttien (tutkimushenkilöt itse, vanhemmat ja opettajat) vastausten ennusvoimaa lasten tulevan rikollisuuden suhteen. Rikosten sovittelun osalta kysymyksenä oli, miten suomalainen sovittelukäytäntö vastaa restoratiivisen oikeuden teoriaa ja miten sovittelua pitäisi kehittää. Aineisto ja metodit Pitkittäistutkimuksemme aineistona oli valtakunnallisesti edustava satunnaisotos, joka vastasi 10% vuonna 1981 Suomessa syntyneistä suomenkielisistä pojista. Ensimmäinen tiedonkeruu tapahtui 1989, kun pojat olivat 8-vuotiaita. Tietoa kerättiin lomakekyselyin pojilta itseltään sekä heidän vanhemmiltaan ja opettajiltaan. Tietoja saatiin 2946 pojasta. Lasten lomakkeena oli Children’s Depression Inventory, vanhemman lomakkeena Rutter A2 ja opettajan lomakkeena Rutter B2. Toinen tiedonkeruu järjestettiin, kun pojat osallistuivat kutsuntoihin 1999. Tietoja saatiin 2330 pojasta. Lomakkeena oli Young Adult Self-Report . Puolustusvoimien rekisteristä saatiin tiedot poikien kutsunnoissa ja palvelusaikana (vuosina 1999-04) saamista psykiatrisista diagnooseista, jotka luokiteltiin kuuteen luokkaan: antisosiaalinen persoonallisuushäiriö, päihdehäiriöt, psykoottiset häiriöt, ahdistuneisuushäiriöt, masennustilat ja sopeutumishäiriöt. Tieto mahdollisesta diagnoosista saatiin 2712 pojasta. Rikollisuus operationalisoitiin poliisin ns. RIKI-rekisteriin vuosina 1998-2001 rekisteröityjen tekojen avulla, kun pojat olivat pääasiassa 16-20-vuotiaita. Rikosten määrän mukaan pojat jaettiin neljään ryhmään: ei rikoksia, 1-2 rikosta (satunnainen rikollisuus), 3-5 rikosta (uusintarikollisuus) ja yli 5 rikosta (aktiivinen uusintarikollisuus). Rikoslajeista muodostettiin viisi kategoriaa: huume-, väkivalta-, omaisuus-, liikenne- ja rattijuopumusrikollisuus. Analyysivaiheessa rekisteridatasta poistettiin liikennerikkomukset. Kaikkiaan tiedot mahdollisista poliisikontakteista saatiin 2866 pojasta. Sovitteludata koostui 16 sovittelujutun havainnoinnista Turussa vuosina 2001- 2003. Tulokset Kaikkiaan 23% pojista oli rekisteröity rikoksesta (poissulkien liikennerikkomukset) nelivuotisen tutkimusperiodin aikana 16-20-vuotiaana. Satunnaisia rikoksentekijöitä oli 15%, uusijoita 4% ja moninkertaisia uusijoita 4%. Rikokset kasautuivat moninkertaisille uusijoille: tämä 4%:n ryhmä teki 72% kaikista rikoksista . Omaisuus- ja liikennerikollisia oli eniten (kumpiakin 11%), ja huumerikollisia vähiten (4%). Kaikki rikoslajit korreloivat keskenään tilastollisesti merkitsevästi. Nuorisorikollisuuden itsenäisiä ennustekijöitä lapsuudessa olivat rikkinäinen perherakenne, vanhempien alhainen koulutustaso, lapsen käytösongelmat ja hyperaktiivisuus. Kun verrattiin eri informantteja (lapset itse ja heidän vanhempansa ja opettajansa), etenkin opettajien vastaukset ennustivat lasten tulevaa rikollisuutta. Nuoruudessa rikollisuuden itsenäisiä korrelaatteja olivat pienellä paikkakunnalla asuminen, vanhempien ero, seurustelu, itse ilmoitettu antisosiaalisuus ja säännöllinen tupakointi ja humalajuominen. Ennus- ja taustatekijöille oli tyypillistä se, että ne olivat lineaarisessa yhteydessä rikosten määrään (ongelmat ja rikosten määrä lisääntyivät käsi kädessä) ja että ne liittyivät useaan rikoslajiin yhtä aikaa. Huumerikollisuudella oli kuitenkin vähemmän itsenäisiä ennus- ja taustatekijöitä kuin muilla rikoslajeilla. Joka kymmenes poika kärsi psykiatrisista häiriöistä. Tämä ryhmä teki noin puolet kaikista rikoksista, ja lähes joka toinen poika, jolla oli psykiatrinen häiriö, oli rekisteröity rikoksista. Rikolliseen käytökseen liittyivät etenkin antisosiaalinen persoonallisuushäiriö ja päihdehäiriöt. Masennustilat olivat kuitenkin ainoa diagnoosiryhmä, joka ei ollut yhteydessä rikollisuuteen. Myös psykiatristen häiriöiden esiintyvyys kasvoi lineaarisesti rikosten määrän kanssa; aktiivisista uusintarikollisista yli puolella (59%) oli psykiatrinen diagnoosi. Rikollisuuden lisäksi erilaiset psykososiaaliset ongelmat kasautuivat pienelle vähemmistölle. Aktiivisten uusijoiden ryhmään olivat tilastollisesti merkitsevästi yhteydessä lähes kaikki ongelmat mitä tutkimme. Kuitenkin tästä ryhmästä vain alle 3% oli käyttänyt mielenterveyspalveluja viimeisen vuoden aikana. Rikossovittelun havainnointitutkimuksen perusteella sovittelussa monet perusasiat ovat kunnossa, ja toiminta on mielekästä niin asianosaisten kuin yhteiskunnankin kannalta. Useimmiten osapuolet kohtasivat ja saivat aikaan sopimuksen, johon he vaikuttivat tyytyväisiltä. Rikoksentekijät olivat motivoituneita korvaamaan aiheuttamansa vahingot. Osapuolet saivat kertoa tarinansa omin sanoin, heitä kuunneltiin ja he ymmärsivät mitä sovittelussa puhutaan ja sovitaan. Sovittelun kuluessa jännitys väheni ja asiat saatiin loppuunkäsiteltyä. Asianosaiset saivat vaikuttaa prosessiin ja sopimukseen, ja uhrin oikeudet olivat sovittelussa keskeisellä sijalla. Restoratiivisen teorian perusteella sovittelussa havaittiin myös kehittämisen varaa: Etenkin nuoria rikoksentekijöitä oli hankala saada osallistumaan tosissaan, ja aikuiset helposti hallitsivat keskustelua. Etukäteistapaamisia ja tukihenkilöitä ei juuri hyödynnetty. Sovitteluja hallitsi puhe sopimuksesta ja rahasta. Työkorvauksia ei käytetty eikä rehabilitaatiota käsitelty. Sekä sovitteluun pääsy että sovittelumenettely riippuivat yksittäisistä henkilöistä. Johtopäätökset Rikosten tekeminen nuoruudessa on melko yleistä ja monimuotoista. Rikokset ja psykososiaaliset ongelmat kasautuvat pienelle ryhmälle ja kulkevat käsi kädessä. Myös psykiatriset häiriöt ovat lineaarisessa yhteydessä rikosten määrään. Rikosriskiä voidaan ennustaa jo lapsuudessa, ja etenkin opettajat ovat tarkkanäköisiä lasten ongelmien suhteen. Eri rikoslajeilla on varsin samanlaisia taustatekijöitä. Aktiiviset rikoksentekijät vastaavat suuresta osasta kokonaisrikollisuutta, tarvitsevat eniten apua, mutta eivät kuitenkaan hakeudu psykososiaalisten palvelujen piiriin. Rikosten sovittelu tarjoaa keinon puuttua ongelmiin varhaisessa vaiheessa ilman leimaamista. Sovittelun kehitystehtävät liittyvät etenkin dialogiin, valmisteluihin, tukihenkilöihin, työkorvauksiin, palveluunohjaukseen ja sovittelun sovellusalaan. Sovittelua ja muita restoratiivisia menettelyjä on kehitettävä ja laajennettava esimerkiksi niin, että niitä voitaisiin käyttää palveluunohjauksen välineenä.
Resumo:
In this thesis, I argue that there are public cultural reasons that can underpin public justifications of minority rights of indigenous and national minorities in a constitutionaldemocracy. I do so by tackling diverse issues facing a liberal theory of multiculturalism. In the first essay, I criticize Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive liberal theory of minority rights and propose a political liberal alternative. The main problem of Will Kymlicka’s theory is that it builds on the contestable liberal value of individual autonomy and thus fails to take diversity seriously. In the second essay, I elaborate on the Rawlsian political liberalism assumed here by criticizing Chandran Kukathas’s version of political liberalism as overly accommodating to diversity. In the third essay, I discuss questions of method that arise for a political liberal approach to the moral-political foundations of multiculturalism, and propose a certain understanding of the political liberal enterprise and its crucial standard of reasonableness. In the fourth essay, I dwell on the political liberal ethic of citizenship and propose a strongly inclusionist interpretation of the duty of civility. In the fifth and last essay, I introduce a certain understanding of ethnocultural justice and propose a view on certain cultural reasons as public cultural reasons. Cultural reasons are public when they are based on necessarily established cultural marks of a democratic polity, as specified by the cultural establishment view; and when they are crucial for the societal cultural bases of self-respect of citizens. The arguments in this thesis support, and help to spell out, moral-political rights of indigenous and national minorities as formulated in international legal documents, such as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007) or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966).
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Abstract . Rights jiirisprudence in Canada dates back as far as Confederation in 1867. Between this date and 1982, the organizing principle of Confederation - federalism - has kept this jurisprudence solely within the supremacy of Parliament, subject to its confines and division of powers. After 1982, however, a new constitutional organizing principle was introduced, when Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau introduced the patriation initiative, touted as the "people's package". Individual rights and freedoms were now guaranteed by the Constitution. Citizens of Canada now had a direct link to the Constitution via the Charter and there were now two significantly different organizing principles within the constitutional order widch created an unstable coexistence. This instability has led to a clash between judicially enforced Charter rights and federalism. The Charter has since had both a nationalizing and centralizing effect on Canadian federalism. This thesis explores the relationship between rights and federalism in Canada fix)m Confederation to present day by comparing the jurisprudence of pre and post Charter Canada. An analysis of Supreme Court's (and its predecessor's, the JCPC) decisions shows the profound effect the Charter has had on Canadian federalism. The result has been an undermining of federalism in Canada, with Parliamentary Supremacy replaced by Constitutional supremacy, and ultimately. Judicial Supremacy. Moreover, rights discourse has largely replaced federalism discourse. Canadians have become very attached to their Charter, and are unwilling to allow any changes to the constitution that may affect their rights as political elites discovered the hard way after the collapse of the Meech and Charlottetown Accords. If federalism is to remain a relevant and viable organizing principle in the Constitution, then governments, especially at the provincial level, must find new and iimovative ways to assert their importance within the federation.
Resumo:
In Canada freedom of information must be viewed in the context of governing -- how do you deal with an abundance of information while balancing a diversity of competing interests? How can you ensure people are informed enough to participate in crucial decision-making, yet willing enough to let some administrative matters be dealt with in camera without their involvement in every detail. In an age when taxpayers' coalition groups are on the rise, and the government is encouraging the establishment of Parent Council groups for schools, the issues and challenges presented by access to information and protection of privacy legislation are real ones. The province of Ontario's decision to extend freedom of information legislation to local governments does not ensure, or equate to, full public disclosure of all facts or necessarily guarantee complete public comprehension of an issue. The mere fact that local governments, like school boards, decide to collect, assemble or record some information and not to collect other information implies that a prior decision was made by "someone" on what was important to record or keep. That in itself means that not all the facts are going to be disclosed, regardless of the presence of legislation. The resulting lack of information can lead to public mistrust and lack of confidence in those who govern. This is completely contrary to the spirit of the legislation which was to provide interested members of the community with facts so that values like political accountability and trust could be ensured and meaningful criticism and input obtained on matters affecting the whole community. This thesis first reviews the historical reasons for adopting freedom of information legislation, reasons which are rooted in our parliamentary system of government. However, the same reasoning for enacting such legislation cannot be applied carte blanche to the municipal level of government in Ontario, or - ii - more specifially to the programs, policies or operations of a school board. The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the Municipal Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, 1989 (MFIPPA) was a neccessary step to ensure greater openness from school boards. Based on a review of the Orders made by the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner/Ontario, it also assesses how successfully freedom of information legislation has been implemented at the municipal level of government. The Orders provide an opportunity to review what problems school boards have encountered, and what guidance the Commissioner has offered. Reference is made to a value framework as an administrative tool in critically analyzing the suitability of MFIPPA to school boards. The conclusion is drawn that MFIPPA appears to have inhibited rather than facilitated openness in local government. This may be attributed to several factors inclusive of the general uncertainty, confusion and discretion in interpreting various provisions and exemptions in the Act. Some of the uncertainty is due to the fact that an insufficient number of school board staff are familiar with the Act. The complexity of the Act and its legalistic procedures have over-formalized the processes of exchanging information. In addition there appears to be a concern among municipal officials that granting any access to information may be violating personal privacy rights of others. These concerns translate into indecision and extreme caution in responding to inquiries. The result is delay in responding to information requests and lack of uniformity in the responses given. However, the mandatory review of the legislation does afford an opportunity to address some of these problems and to make this complex Act more suitable for application to school boards. In order for the Act to function more efficiently and effectively legislative changes must be made to MFIPPA. It is important that the recommendations for improving the Act be adopted before the government extends this legislation to any other public entities.
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La liberté de religion, souvent reconnue comme étant la « première liberté » dans de nombreuses traditions juridiques, reflète également les différentes conceptions de la place de l’individu et de la communauté dans la société. Notre étude analysera les modèles constitutionnels canadien, américain et européen de liberté de religion et conscience. Dans un premier chapitre, nous examinerons les conceptions théoriques de la religion dans les sciences sociales ainsi les approches juridiques afin de mieux cerner comment la religion est conçue et de plus, comprendre les diverses influences sur sa conceptualisation. Dans un second et troisième chapitre, nous tenterons d’une part, de qualifier la relation entre la liberté de conscience et la liberté de religion au Canada en nous livrant à une analyse approfondie des deux libertés et d’autre part, d’identifier les questions qui demeurent irrésolues. Dans le chapitre final, nous observerons comment la liberté de conscience a été interprétée dans les contextes américain et dans l’Union Européenne, par le biais de la Cour Européenne des droits de l’Homme. Notre hypothèse est que l’on peut arriver à une meilleure compréhension de la relation entre les libertés de conscience et religion en clarifiant les conceptions théoriques de la religion et de la conscience en droit constitutionnel comparé.
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La réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés mobilières sont à l’ordre du jour de plusieurs organisations internationales, car il est admis qu’un régime de sûretés efficient favorise l’accès au crédit à de faibles coûts. L’harmonisation de ce droit comporte deux volets. D’une part, dans l’Occident industrialisé, les efforts d’harmonisation vont de la réforme des droits internes à l’établissement de régimes spéciaux relativement à des biens spécifiques (principalement les biens mobiles de grande valeur, tels les aéronefs, le matériel ferroviaire roulant et les satellites, et les biens incorporels, comprenant les créances, valeurs mobilières, actifs financiers et titres intermédiés). Ces efforts d’harmonisation démontrent que d’un point de vue systémique, malgré quelques différences notables, les régimes nord-américains et européens sont fondés sur des principes similaires et atteignent des résultats comparables. En résulte l’émergence d’un ordre juridique transnational en droit des sûretés mobilières, fondé sur les principes de la primauté de l’individu et la reconnaissance du droit de propriété de l’individu dans ses biens, mis en œuvre grâce à l’État de droit. D’autre part, les institutions financières internationales encouragent l’établissement de régimes de sûretés dans les pays en voie de développement qui obéissent aux mêmes critères que ceux de l’Occident, en insistant sur les réformes institutionnelles et juridiques visant l’établissement d’une bonne gouvernance et l’État de droit. Cependant, une transposition des régimes occidentaux ne peut se faire sans heurts dans les pays en voie de développement, notamment pour des raisons socio-culturelles et politiques. Lorsque les principes de la primauté de l’individu, de la propriété individuelle et de l’État de droit ne sont pas reconnus dans un pays donné, la réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés s’en trouvent compromis. La démonstration de l’état d’avancement de la réforme et de l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés dans les pays occidentaux industrialisés est faite grâce à une comparaison du Uniform Commercial Code, du Code civil du Québec, des Personal Property Security Acts des provinces canadiennes de common law, des principes des droits français et anglais, de l’influence du droit communautaire sur les pays membres de l’Union Européenne. Sont analysés, aussi, dans cette optique, les principaux instruments de l’harmonisation du droit émanant des organisations internationales. Par ailleurs, deux études de cas relatifs à la réforme du crédit foncier en Égypte et à la réforme de l’urbanisme et de l’habitat en République démocratique du Congo, viennent étayer les difficultés que rencontrent les institutions internationales, telles la Banque mondiale et l’ACDI, dans le cadre de projets de réformes visant la bonne gouvernance et l’instauration d’un véritable État de droit, en partie à cause d’un pluralisme des ordres juridiques de ces pays.