The Sandinista Revolution and Post-Conflict Development--Key Issues

Following Daniel Ortega's victory in the presidential election held in November 2006, Nicaragua has been undergoing a transition from a democratic to authoritarian system. In the 1980s, Ortega served as President of the Sandinista government and implemented a Cuban-type socialist system, but the system failed and democracy was established during 1990-2007. Considering this failure, why did Ortega succeed in taking power again? This paper provides a brief history of modern Nicaragua and gives some insights into the twists of Latin American politics. The paper was prepared for the international seminar on Helping Failed States Recover: The Role of Business in Promoting Stability and Development, organized by the University of Kansas Center for International Business Education and Research (CIBER), held on April 4-6, 2007 in Lawrence. The opinions and views expressed herein are those of the author. All mistakes and/or errors are entirely the author's responsibility.

Conflict and land tenure in Rwanda

The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the historical relation between conflict and land tenure in Rwanda, a country that experienced a harsh civil war and genocide in the mid-1990s. The victory of the Tutsi-led rebel, Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) at that time triggered a massive return of refugees and a drastic change in land tenure policy. These were refugees who had fled the country at around the time of independence, in 1962, due to the political turmoil and persecution (the "social revolution") and who shared the background of the core RPF members. The social revolution had dismantled the existent Tutsi-led political order, compelling many Tutsi families to seek refuge outside their homeland. Under the post-independence rule of a Hutu-led government, the Tutsi refugees were not allowed to return and the lands they left behind were often arbitrarily distributed by local authorities among Hutu peasants. After victory in the mid-1990s civil war, the newly established RPF-led government ordered the current inhabitants of the lands to divide the properties in order to allocate portions to the Tutsi returnees. Different patterns of land holding and land division will be explained in the paper from data gathered through the authors' fieldworks in the southern and eastern parts of Rwanda. Although overt resistance to land division has not been observed to date, the land rights of the Tutsi returnees must be considered unstable because their legitimacy depends primarily on the strength and political stability of the RPF-led government. If the authority of RPF were to weaken, the land rights will be jeopardized. Throughout Rwandan history, in which political exclusion has often led to serious conflict, macro-level politics have repeatedly influenced land holding. Promotion of an inclusive democracy, therefore, is indispensable to escape the vicious circle between political instability and land rights.

Features of Land Conflicts in Post Civil War Rwanda

Land conflicts in Rwanda have attracted particular attention because they have both environmental and political causes. This paper attempts to shed light on the nature of land conflicts in present-day Rwanda based on popular justice records and interviews collected in two rural areas. From the analyses of these data, two types of land confl ict can be distinguished. The first type consists of those among family members. Given that land is the most important asset for ordinary rural households, its inheritance often brings about conflicts between right-holders. Those of the second type are triggered by political change. Impacts of the two national-level violent conflicts in Rwanda, the “social revolution” just before independence and the civil war in the 1990s, are of tremendous significance in this context. The military victory of the former rebels in 1994 caused a massive return of Tutsi refugees, who were officially permitted to acquire land from the original inhabitants. Although no serious protestation against this policy has occurred thus far, it has produced various land conflicts. Dealing with potential grievances among original inhabitants is an important challenge for the present government.

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Evolution not revolution of farming systemswill best feed and green the world

The challenge to properly feed a world population of 9.2 billion by 2050, that must be achieved on essentially currently cropped area, requires that food production be increased by 70%. This large increase can only be achieved by combinations of greater crop yields and more intensive cropping adapted to local conditions and availability of inputs. Farming systems are dynamic and continuously adapt to changing ecological, environmental and social conditions, while achieving greater production and resource-use efficiency by application of science and technology. This article argues that the solution to feed and green the world in 2050 is to support this evolution more strongly by providing farmers with necessary information, inputs, and recognition. There is no revolutionary alternative. Proposals to transform agriculture to low-input and organic systems would, because of low productiv- ity, exacerbate the challenge if applied in small part, and ensure failure if applied more widely. The challenge is, however, great. Irrigation, necessary to increase cropping intensity in many areas cannot be extended much more widely than at present, and it is uncertain if the current rate of crop yield increase can be maintained. Society needs greater recognition of the food-supply problem and must increase funding and support for agricultural research while it attends to issues of food waste and over consumption that can make valuable reductions to food demand from agriculture

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Las "Provincias Bascongadas" del Atlas Geográfico de España de Tomás López de 1804.

La obra cartográfica de Tomás López siempre despertó controversias y no le han faltado detractores que señalan la falta de exactitud de sus mapas. Aun así la obra de Tomás López tiene un gran reconocimiento por su carácter compilatorio de toda la información cartográfica disponible en hasta la época. En general es poco conocido el vínculo entre la obra de López con el ?laboriosísimo desarrollo? de los mapas de Polo y Catalina, que se responsabilizó de la organización de la información para el Censo de la riqueza territorial e industrial de España (1803). Para ello, planimetró por el método de los triángulos uno a uno los mapas de la serie de reinos y provincias peninsulares y las islas del Atlas Geográfico de España (AGE) de Tomás López de 1804. En este trabajo se muestra un ejemplo de la precisión del AGE y alto grado de correlación de toponímico con la cartografía actual en las tres ?Provincias Bascongadas? que comprendían el ?Señorío de Vizcaya?, la ?Provincia de Guipuzcua? y la ?Provincia de Alava?.

GIS for cartographic accuracy analysis of settlements in the province of Madrid (AGE Tomas Lopez 1804).

Purpose: In this paper we study all settlements shown on the map of the Province of Madrid, sheet number 1 of AGE (Atlas Geográfico de España of Tomas Lopez 1804) and their correspondence with the current ones. This map is divided in to zones: Madrid and Almonacid de Zorita. Method: The steps followed in the methodology are as follow: 1. Geo-reference of maps with latitude and longitude framework. Move the historical longitude origin to the origin longitude of modern cartography. 2 Digitize of all population settlements or cities (97 on Madrid and 42 on Almonacid de Zorita), 3 Identify historic settlements or cities corresponding with current ones. 4. If the maps have the same orientation and scale, replace the coordinate transformation of historical settlements with a new one, by a translation in latitude and longitude equal to the calculated mean value of all ancient map points corresponding to the new. 5. Calculation of absolute accuracy of the two maps. 6 draw in the GIS, the settlements accuracy. Result: It was found that all AGE settlements have good correspondence with current, ie only 27 settlements lost in Madrid and 2 in Almonacid. The average accuracy is 2.3 and 5.7 km to Madrid and Almonacid de Zorita respectively. Discussion & Conclusion: The final accuracy map obtained shows that there is less error in the middle of the map. This study highlights the great work done by Tomas Lopez in performing this mapping without fieldwork. This demonstrates the great value that has been the work of Tomas Lopez in the history of cartography.