985 resultados para politics of global conflict


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Heavy alcohol use increases dramatically at age 14, and there is emerging cross-sectional evidence that when girls experience family conflict at younger ages (11–13 years) the risk of alcohol use and misuse is high. This study evaluated the role of family conflict and subsequent depressed mood in predicting heavy alcohol use among adolescent girls. Method: This was a three-wave longitudinal study with annual assessments (modal ages 12, 13, and 14 years). The participants (N = 886, 57% female) were from 12 metropolitan schools in Victoria, Australia, and participants completed questionnaires during school class time. The key measures were based on the Communities That Care Youth Survey and included family conflict (Wave 1), depressed mood (Wave 2), and heavy alcohol use (Wave 3). Control variables included school commitment, number of peers who consumed alcohol, whether parents were living together, and ethnic background. Results: With all controls in the model, depressed mood at Wave 2 was predicted by family conflict at Wave 1. The interaction of family conflict with gender was significant, with girls showing a stronger association of family conflict and depressed mood. Depressed mood at Wave 2 predicted heavy alcohol use at Wave 3. Conclusions: Girls may be especially vulnerable to family conflict, and subsequent depressed mood increases the risk of heavy alcohol use. The results support the need for gender-sensitive family-oriented prevention programs delivered in late childhood and early adolescence.

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Purpose – Based on the review of extant international business and management literature, this paper aims to examine the global integration (GI) and local responsiveness (LR) paradigm and its impact on the adoption of international business strategy (IBS) by multinational corporations (MNCs); second, discuss determinants that are critical in the process of forming IBS by MNCs; and third identify the lacuna in current research with respect to strategic implications of the framework for MNCs from emerging economies such as Chinese multinational corporations (CMNCs).Design/methodology/approach – Based on the extant literature review, this paper identifies a research gap and proposes several research questions for future study. First, the paper reviews prior studies on the GI-LR model and its impact on and strategic implications for IBS. Second, it examines how MNCs from developed countries adopt different types of IBS and what determinants drive their decision-making. Third, it attempts to discuss why CMNCs should be studied in terms of their choice of IBS based on the GI-LR mode. The paper concludes with research questions for future study.Findings – This paper summarizes determinants of IBS in a three-category table mainly based on prior studies on the GI-LR model from developed countries. As a consequence, it identifies a future research area in the field of international management.Originality/value – This paper is based on a comprehensive review of prior studies related to the GI-LR framework. The aim of the study is to identify a new research area in international management, that is, how MNCs from emerging country contexts, such as China, to co-ordinate GI and LR for their IBS.

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Purpose – Based on the review of extant international business and management literature, this paper aims to examine the global integration (GI) and local responsiveness (LR) paradigm and its impact on the adoption of international business strategy (IBS) by multinational corporations (MNCs); second, discuss determinants that are critical in the process of forming IBS by MNCs; and third identify the lacuna in current research with respect to strategic implications of the framework for MNCs from emerging economies such as Chinese multinational corporations (CMNCs).Design/methodology/approach – Based on the extant literature review, this paper identifies a research gap and proposes several research questions for future study. First, the paper reviews prior studies on the GI-LR model and its impact on and strategic implications for IBS. Second, it examines how MNCs from developed countries adopt different types of IBS and what determinants drive their decision-making. Third, it attempts to discuss why CMNCs should be studied in terms of their choice of IBS based on the GI-LR mode. The paper concludes with research questions for future study.Findings – This paper summarizes determinants of IBS in a three-category table mainly based on prior studies on the GI-LR model from developed countries. As a consequence, it identifies a future research area in the field of international management.Originality/value – This paper is based on a comprehensive review of prior studies related to the GI-LR framework. The aim of the study is to identify a new research area in international management, that is, how MNCs from emerging country contexts, such as China, to co-ordinate GI and LR for their IBS.

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Via a wide range of case studies, this book examines new forms of resistance to social injustices in contemporary Western societies. Resistance requires agency, and agency is grounded in notions of the subject and subjectivity. How do people make sense of their subjectivity as they are constructed and reconstructed within relations of power? What kinds of subjectivities are needed to struggle against forms of dominance and claim recognition? The participants in the case studies are challenging forms of dominance and subordination grounded in class, race, culture, nationality, sexuality, religion, age, disability and other forms of social division. It is a premise of this book that new and/or reconstructed forms of subjectivity are required to challenge social relations of subordination and domination. Thus, the transformation of subjectivity as well as the restructuring of oppressive power relations is necessary to achieve social justice. By examining the construction of subjectivity of particular groups through an intersectional lens, the book aims to contribute to theoretical accounts of how subjects are constituted and how they can develop a critical distance from their positioning.

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What is meant by the term ‘bogan’ and how does its popular usage distinguish a new public occupying a particular class position and social presence in Australian society. Examining a number of media texts, this paper explores the bogan phenomenon and asks if it normatively repositions Marxist ideas of class within the contemporary construct of lifestyle politics and classless capitalism (Beck). Challenging the idea the term is politically benign, the paper argues that the rise ‘boganism’ and its stigmatic associations has implications for public relations. In particular, it argues successful framing techniques designate a group of people occupying social risk positions and that are dis-empowered by eco-discourses and targeted for social control. These marginalised publics lack the sociocultural resources required for participation in the public sphere and as such are malleable and highly receptive to intrinsic and extrinsic forms of public relations.

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Through the life-writing of American poet Juliana Spahr, this essay investigates not only how the lyric is being used by contemporary poets to represent compound feelings but also what relationship affect might have to the political. It considers how Spahr constructs a porous subjectivity that circulates through a system that is simultaneously social, biological, and textual in its environment. Spahr demonstrates how the continually changing relation of self to place and other may lead to a confusion and complexity of feeling. In particular, it focuses on the nested or interrelated nature of what Sianne Ngai has termed ‘ugly feelings’, particularly in terms of sexuality, colonialism, and globalisation. It is argued that Spahr’s poetic navigation of such feeling seeks to locate possibilities for cultural adaptation and transformation.

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This article examines the complex matrix of public, political and policy debates that were brought to bear on Australia's decision to withdraw from Iraq. In analysing the ‘politics of withdrawal’ in Australia, this article identifies four dominant frames that served to polarise the issue along party-political lines and reduce the complexities of Australia's withdrawal to a set of simple polarities (such as ‘stay the course’ versus ‘responsible withdrawal’). Specifically, these frames obfuscated an assessment of the myriad challenges facing post-Saddam Iraq and the prospects for peace, security and development beyond Australia's withdrawal. Understanding the ways in which Australia framed its decision to disengage from Iraq is critical to further analysis of Australia's approach to current (or future) military draw-downs (such as in Afghanistan), as well as those conducted by other liberal democracies, such as the US and the UK.