856 resultados para minority feminism
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Consumerism emphasises the patient s position and freedom of choice. Consumerism is being promoted by a range of phenomena occurring in society and health care. Different actors hold different views on the patient as a consumer and on his or her participation. Consumer demand is created outside the patient physician relationship and the commercialisation of services generates new expectations with respect to physician s work. More and more patients may be interested in adopting a more equal position in the care relationship, and trying to negotiate with the physician or to even dictate how he or she should be cared for. In Finland, very little research has been conducted on patients and consumers organising themselves at national system level, patients as choosers, and physicians attitudes to various consumerist phenomena or the choice made by the patient. In the empirical data for this study, the term consumer-patient refers to active consumers and patients making choices related to their clinical care prior to a physician s diagnosis. Consumer-patients are also represented by consumer and patient organisations and movements. The main research question is: How do physicians regard the care choice made by the patient? This question is addressed from a perspective encompassing patients and consumers organised activities and individuals active behaviour in health care as well as physicians experiences and their views on patients as consumers making choices related to their care. The first part (Study I), examines the patient organisation field, information sources used including the websites of such organisations, files from Finland s Slot Machine Association, RAY, a survey conducted by a Finnish television news department and interviews of patient organisations. Based on observation and a physician survey, Study II examines physicians attitudes to the idea that patients could obtain information through consumer movements about physicians care practices before seeking medical care. Studies III−IV use a physician survey to examine physicians attitudes to direct-to-consumer-advertising of prescription drugs (DTCA) and their experiences and views of patient requests related to treatments and examinations. Study V uses comparative surveys to examine the attitudes of health care professionals and the population to the introduction of new technologies in health care, using genetic screenings and tests as an example. The number of patient organisations increased, with a particular escalation as of the 1990s. The characteristics and operating methods of the organisations varied greatly. Physicians organisations adopted a negative or neutral attitude towards the consumer movements idea of distributing information on care practices, whereas individual physicians attitudes were slightly more positive. Physicians regarded direct-to-consumer-advertising of prescription drugs as negative, but took a more permissive attitude towards indirect advertising. More than every third physician considered drug advertisements in general to be harmful or useless in the distribution of drug information to patients or consumers. More than half of physicians conducting patient work reported that they (very) often encountered patients who stated upon arrival for a consultation that they wanted specific treatments or examinations, and that the number of such situations had increased. Such situations were viewed as positive with regard to the care relationship by every fifth physician and as negative by two fifths. Physicians justified a reserved attitude to the patients consumer role by referring to their medical expertise and position as care decision-makers, the patient physician relationship and the public health care system. Reasons for a positive attitude included the patient s participation and co-operation, the patient physician relationship and the patient s knowledge. Professionals were more reserved than lay people about the introduction and extension of genetic technologies in health care. A significant minority of the physicians did not take a clear pro or con attitude to the patients consumer role or to the use of new technologies in health care. The physicians age, gender, place of work and specialisation influenced their attitudes to the patient s consumer role, and private physicians viewed it in a more positive light than those working in public health care. Active consumer-patients challenge the society to hold a discussion of the patient s choice, participation in care decision-making and participation in health care policy in general. Their transformation into customers and consumers implies not only a new division of individuals roles and powers, but also contributes to changing relationships between system level roles: between citizens and the state and between public and private health care. This phenomenon raises various issues related to health care policy. In conclusion, topics are presented for discussion, practical measures and further research. Keywords: health care, consumerism, distribution of technologies, commercialisation, physicians, patients, consumers, patient s choice, patient s role.
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Identification of genes predisposing to tumor syndromes has raised general awareness of tumorigenesis. Genetic testing of tumor susceptibility genes aids the recognition of individuals at increased risk of tumors. Identification of novel predisposing genes enables further studies concerning the classification of potential associated tumors and the definition of target patient group. Pituitary adenomas are common, benign neoplasms accounting for approximately 15% of all intracranial tumors. Accurate incidence estimation is challenging since a great portion of these adenomas are small and asymptomatic. Clinically relevant adenomas, that cause symptoms due to the expansion of the cell mass or the over-secretion of normally produced hormones, occur in approximately one of 1 000 individuals. Although the majority of pituitary adenomas are sporadic, a minority occur as components of familial syndromes, such as Multiple Endocrine Neoplasia type 1 (MEN1) and Carney complex (CNC). MEN1 syndrome is caused by germ-line mutations in the MEN1 gene, whereas most of the CNC patients carry the mutated protein kinase A (PKA) regulatory subunit-1-α (PRKAR1A) gene. Recently, other conditions predisposing to endocrine tumors have been identified: Pituitary Adenoma Predisposition (PAP) and MEN type 4 (MEN4). PAP was originally identified in a genetically homogeneous Finnish population. In a population based cohort from Northern Finland, aryl hydrocarbon receptor-interacting protein (AIP) gene mutations were found in 16% of all patients diagnosed with growth hormone (GH) producing pituitary adenoma, and in 40% of the subset of patients who were diagnosed under the age of 35 years. Since AIP mutations were originally described in a defined, homogeneous population from Northern Finland, it was relevant to study whether mutations also occur in more heterogeneous populations. In patient cohorts with different ethnic origins and variable clinical phenotypes, germ-line AIP mutations were detectable at low frequencies (range 0.8-7.4%). AIP mutation-positive patients were often diagnosed with a GH-producing adenoma at a young age, and usually had no family history of endocrine tumors. The low frequency of AIP mutations in randomly selected patients, and the lack of any family history of pituitary adenomas create a challenge for the identification of PAP patients. Our preliminary study suggests that AIP immunohistochemistry may serve as a pre-screening tool to distinguish between the AIP mutation-negative and the mutation-positive tumors. Tumors of various endocrine glands are components of MEN1 and CNC syndromes. Somatic MEN1 and PRKAR1A mutations in sporadic pituitary adenomas are rare, but occur in some of the other tumors related to these syndromes. The role of AIP mutations in endocrine neoplasia was studied and our results indicated that somatic AIP mutations are rare or non-existent in sporadic tumors of endocrine glands (0 of 111). Furthermore, germ-line AIP mutations in prolactin producing adenomas (2 of 9) confirmed the role of this pituitary tumor type in the PAP phenotype. Thyroid disorders are common in the general population, and the majority of them are sporadic. Interestingly, it has been suggested that thyroid disorders might be more common in PAP families. For this reason we studied germ-line AIP mutations in 93 index cases from familial non-medullary thyroid cancer (NMTC) families. The underlying gene or genes for familial NMTC have not been identified yet. None of the patients had any potentially pathogenic AIP mutation. This suggests that AIP is unlikely to play a role in familial NMTCs. A novel multiple endocrine syndrome was originally described in rats with phenotypic features of human MEN type 1 and 2. Germ-line mutations of cyclin-dependent kinase inhibitor 1B (CDKN1B also known as p27Kip1) gene were reported later in these rats and a germ-line mutation was also identified in one human family with MEN1-like phenotype (later named MEN4). To confirm the importance of this gene’s mutations in humans, we performed a mutation screening in MEN-like patients and in patients with pituitary adenoma. Our results indicate that CDKN1B/p27Kip1 mutations appear in a small portion of MEN1-like patients (one of 36), and that such mutations are rare or non-existent in both familial (0 of 19) and sporadic pituitary adenoma patients (0 of 50). In conclusion, this work strengthens the tumor susceptibility role of AIP and CDKN1B/p27Kip1 in endocrine neoplasia. Clarifying the PAP phenotype facilitates the identification of potential AIP mutation carriers. Genetic counseling can be offered to the relatives and follow-up of the mutation carriers can be organized, hence an earlier diagnosis is feasible.
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Conservation and sustainable management of tropical forests needs a holistic approach: in addition to ecological concerns, socio-economic issues including cultural aspects must be taken into consideration. An ability to adapt practices is a key to successful collaborative natural resource management. Achieving this requires local participation and understanding of local conceptions of the environment. This study examined these issues in the context of northern Thailand. Northern uplands are the home of much of the remaining natural forest in Thailand and several ethnic minority groups commonly referred to as hill tribes. The overall purpose of this study was to grasp a regional view of an ethnically diverse forested area and to elicit prospects to develop community forestry for conservation purposes and for securing people s livelihood. Conservation was a central goal of management as the forests in the area were largely designated as protected. The aim was to study local perceptions, objectives, values and practices of forest management, under the umbrella of the concept environmental literacy, as well as the effects of forest policy on community management goals and activities. Environmental literacy refers to holistic understanding of the environment. It was used as a tool to examine people s views, interests, knowledge and motivation associated to forests. The material for this study was gathered in six villages in Chiang Mai Province. Three minority groups were included in the study, the Karen, Hmong and Lawa, and also the Thai. Household and focus group interviews were conducted in the villages. In addition, officials at district, regional and national levels, workers of non-governmental organisations, and academics were interviewed, and some data were gathered from the students of a local school. The results showed that motivation for protecting the forests existed among each ethnic group studied. This was a result of culture and traditions evolved in the forest environment but also of a need to adapt to a changed situation and environment and to outside pressures. The consequences of deforestation were widely agreed on in the villages, and the impact of socio-economic changes on the forests and livelihood was also recognised. The forest was regarded as a source of livelihood providing land, products and services essential to the people inhabiting rural uplands. Traditions, fire control, cooperation, reforestation, separation of protected and utilisable areas, and rules were viewed as central for conservation. For the villagers, however, conservation meant sustainable use, whereas the government has tended to prefer strict restrictions on forest resource use. Thus, conflicts had arisen. Between communities, cooperation was more dominant than conflict. The results indicated that the heterogeneity of forest dwellers, although it has to be recognised, should not be overemphasised: ethnic diversity can be considered as no major obstacle for successful community forestry. Collaborative management is particularly important in protected areas in order to meet the conservation goals while providing opportunities for livelihood. Forest management needs more positive incentives and increased dialogue.
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Purpose To document contact lens prescribing patterns in the United States between 2002 and 2014. Methods A survey of contact lens prescribing trends was conducted each year between 2002 and 2014, inclusive. Randomly selected contact lens practitioners were asked to provide information relating to 10 consecutive contact lens fits between January and March each year. Results Over the 13-year survey period, 1650 survey forms were received from US practitioners representing details of 7702 contact lens fits. The mean (±SD) age of lens wearers was 33.6 (±15.2) years, of whom 65.2% were female. Rigid lens new fits decreased from 13.0% in 2002 to 9.4% in 2014. Across this period, silicone hydrogels have replaced mid water contact lens hydrogels as the soft lens material of choice. Toric lenses represented about 25 to 30% of all soft lens fits. Multifocal soft lenses are generally preferred to monovision. Daily disposable lens fits have recently increased, and in 2014, they represented 27.1% of all soft lens fits. Most lenses are prescribed on 1 to 2 weekly or monthly lens replacement regimen. Extended wear remains a minority lens wearing modality. The vast majority of those wearing reusable lenses use multipurpose lens care solutions. Lenses are mostly worn 7 d/wk. Conclusions This survey has revealed prescribing trends and preferences in the United States over the past 13 years.
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Means are the Ends: The Command Issue (2014) was an exhibition of sculptural works exhibited at LEVEL Artist-Run Initiative, Brisbane. The exhibition playfully critiqued the portrayal of women’s desire in cultural production and symbolic discourse through a focus on fetish sensibilities. Developed during a summer residency, the artworks looked to the rituals, materials and iconographies associated with certain divergent subcultures. Employing strategies of sculptural intervention and appropriation, the exhibition consisted of found objects, which had been deconstructed, altered and intervened; a dildo became a faux drawing machine, a butt-plug a makeshift horn. Reconstructing these visual codes through the formal and theoretical language of contemporary sculptural practice, Means are the Ends: The Command Issue spoke to the problematic, humorous and often paradoxical relationship between depictions of the feminine and women’s desire and agency.
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Contains scrapbooks, correspondence and reports relating to Kohler's extensive activities on behalf of liberal immigration and naturalization laws in the United States, his opposition to the registration of aliens, the problems of Chinese immigration to the United States, his opposition to the use of the term "Hebrew Race" in the classification of immigrants, the drafting of minority clauses at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, Jewish and Christian relations in the U.S., and the condition of Jews in Russia, Roumania, Poland and Nazi-Germany with the following institutions: the American Civil Liberties Union, 1926-1934, the American Jewish Committee, 1909-1934, B'nai Brith, 1930-1933, the Union of American Hebrew Congregations - Board of Delegates on Civil Rights, the Committee on Ellis Island, the Foreign Language Information Service, the Hebrew Benevolent Society of Baltimore, the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society, the Jewish Immigrants' Information Bureau in Galveston, Texas, the Industrial Removal Office, the National Conference of Jews and Christians, the National Council of Jewish Women, the National Council on Naturalization and Citizenship, the Bureau of Immigration to the United States Department of Laborm the United States Department of Commerce and Labor, the Department of State and individual United States Congressmen.
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Contains primarily press releases and news clippings produced and collected by the public relations firm that served a wide diverse range of Jewish organizations, including the American Jewish Congress, World Jewish Congress, Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, American Zionist Movement, and the Union of American Hebrew Congregations. Material documents almost every significant event in contemporary Jewish history; focusing primarily on events occurring in Israel, United states, and Russia. Among the areas of interest include Jewish homosexual rights, disabled rights, Orthodox feminism, African-American and Jewish relations, interfaith relations, Holocuast remembrance, and the marketing of Jewish filmmakers, writers, sculptors, painters, and musicians.
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Spider venoms contain a plethora of insecticidal peptides that act on neuronal ion channels and receptors. Because of their high specificity, potency and stability, these peptides have attracted much attention as potential environmentally friendly insecticides. Although many insecticidal spider venom peptides have been isolated, the molecular target, mode of action and structure of only a small minority have been explored. Sf1a, a 46-residue peptide isolated from the venom of the tube-web spider Segesteria florentina, is insecticidal to a wide range of insects, but nontoxic to vertebrates. In order to investigate its structure and mode of action, we developed an efficient bacterial expression system for the production of Sf1a. We determined a high-resolution solution structure of Sf1a using multidimensional 3D/4D NMR spectroscopy. This revealed that Sf1a is a knottin peptide with an unusually large β-hairpin loop that accounts for a third of the peptide length. This loop is delimited by a fourth disulfide bond that is not commonly found in knottin peptides. We showed, through mutagenesis, that this large loop is functionally critical for insecticidal activity. Sf1a was further shown to be a selective inhibitor of insect voltage-gated sodium channels, consistent with its 'depressant' paralytic phenotype in insects. However, in contrast to the majority of spider-derived sodium channel toxins that function as gating modifiers via interaction with one or more of the voltage-sensor domains, Sf1a appears to act as a pore blocker.
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Hosted at Blindside Artist-Run Initiative (Melbourne) the exhibition Towards (dis)Satisfaction (2015) was a re-staging of earlier sculptural works from the exhibitions Means are the Ends: The Command Issue and Crude Tools (2014), Feeble Actions (2013). The forms humorously interrogated representations of gender and sexuality via strategies of sculptural intervention. A stripper’s pole oozes grease from its stainless surface, fluted with holes. A dildo vibrates on a glass tabletop; propped up by simulated testicles, the intensity of the dildo’s vibrations makes the form spin. With its continual circling, the phallus drags Vaseline over the table, performing a drawing and redrawing of a smeared circle. In Towards (dis)Satisfaction fetish is used as an instrumental strategy, employed as a mode to work across different theoretical and material discourses. In the works the play between explicit and implicit depiction creates an ambiguity that has suggestive potency, where fragmentation and dysfunction initiate diverse readings. These material dialogues make apparent the anxiety and desire inherent in the viewer and question how the visual conventions of erotica and art history are mutually informative.
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The work in Sepulchre (2015) came from my research into female ritual practices and my fascination with specific mythological and historical narratives. These themes were explored during a month-long Summer Residency at Boxcopy Contemporary Artspace. Of particular note were the chronicles and rituals from the terrain around the Adriatic Sea, including Greece and Italy. During the residency, I kept referring to specific mythological texts, which had women as the main protagonists. I kept returning to female characters whose representation was framed by aspects of their sexuality. When looking at these women together, they seemed to sit within a greater narrative archetype, a communal dialogue of shared characteristics, repetitious narrative components and mutual landscapes. Sepulchre became my attempt to develop a conversation between these women by drawing from their commonality, and reimagining these collective elements into sculptural objects and moving images. The video explores an apotropaic gesture, a Baubo-style ‘flashing’. A glass star chart rests on white cliffs, speaking to the narrative of Andromeda and her position as both a celestial and terrene landscape. Another object, a wall mounted copper light burst, pays homage to the framing device used by Gian Lorenzo Bernini in The Ecstasy of Saint Teresa. By reconciling these dialogues, I was interested in exploring expanded portrayals of female sexuality and depictions of subversive and authorial femininity, developed through connotations with mysticism, ritual practice and women’s knowledge.
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The urban presence of flying-foxes (pteropid bats) in eastern Australia has increased in the last 20 years, putatively reflecting broader landscape change. The influx of large numbers often precipitates community angst, typically stemming from concerns about loss of social amenity, economic loss or negative health impacts from recently emerged bat-mediated zoonotic diseases such as Hendra virus and Australian bat lyssavirus. Local authorities and state wildlife authorities are increasingly asked to approve the dispersal or modification of flying-fox roosts to address expressed concerns, yet the scale of this concern within the community, and the veracity of the basis for concern are often unclear. We conducted an on-line survey to capture community attitudes and opinions on flying-foxes in the urban environment to inform management policy and decision-making. Analysis focused on awareness, concerns, and management options, and primarily compared responses from communities where flying-fox management was and was not topical at the time of the survey. While a majority of respondents indicated a moderate to high level of knowledge of both flying-foxes and Hendra virus, a substantial minority mistakenly believed that flying-foxes pose a direct infection risk to humans, suggesting miscommunication or misinformation, and the need for additional risk communication strategies. Secondly, a minority of community members indicated they were directly impacted by urban roosts, most plausibly those living in close proximity to the roost, suggesting that targeted management options are warranted. Thirdly, neither dispersal nor culling was seen as an appropriate management strategy by the majority of respondents, including those from postcodes where flying-fox management was topical. These findings usefully inform community debate and policy development and demonstrate the value of social analysis in defining the issues and options in this complex human - wildlife interaction. The mobile nature of flying-foxes underlines the need for a management strategy at a regional or larger scale, and independent of state borders.
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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.
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The Birth of the Minority State Church Development of the legal relationship between the state of Finland and the Finnish Orthodox Church 1917 1922 Mika Nokelainen, University of Helsinki, Finland. The present research seeks to explain how the legal relationship developed between the state of Finland and the Orthodox Church of Finland. The main focus is on three statutes: 1) the Statute of the Orthodox Church in Finland as stated by Prime Minister J. K. Paasikivi s cabinet in November 1918, 2) The Republican Constitution of July 1919 and 3) The Freedom of Religion Act of 1923. This study examines how different political goals influenced the three statutes mentioned above. Another important factor that is taken into account is the attitude of the Lutheran Church of Finland, the church of the national majority, towards the Orthodox minority and its judicial position in the country. Finland became independent in December 1917, in the aftermath of the November Revolution in Russia. The Orthodox Church already had hundreds of years of history in Finland. In the 19th century, several statutes by emperors of Russia had made the Orthodox Church an official state church of Finland. Due to the long history of the Orthodox Church in Finland, Prime Minister Paasikivi s cabinet made the decision to support the church in the spring of 1918. Furthermore, the cabinet s goal to occupy East Karelia increased its willingness to support the church. The Finnish-national Orthodox Church was needed to educate the East-Karelians. A new statute on the Orthodox Church in Finland came into force in November 1918, reorganising the administration, economy and legal relationship between the church and state in Finland. With this statue, the cabinet gained some authority over the church. Sections of this statute made possible, for example, the cabinet s interference in the internal affairs of the church. The Republican Constitution of 1919 included the principle of freedom of religion. The state, which previously had been Lutheran, now became non-denominational. However, the Republican Constitution explicitly mentioned the Lutheran as well as the Orthodox Church, which indirectly confirmed the position of the Orthodox Church as the second state church of Finland. This position was finally confirmed by the Freedom of Religion Act in 1923. In general, the Lutheran Church of Finland did not resist the judicial position of the Orthodox Church. However, some Lutherans regarded the Orthodox Church with suspicion because of its intimate connection with Russia.
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This study describes and analyses two Lebanese Muslims and two Lebanese Christians ideas about Christian-Muslim dialogue, its nature, aims, and methods and its different dimensions, which include doctrinal, ethical, and social dimensions. On the basis of the analysis, the four thinkers contributions for promoting constructive dialogue are evaluated. The persons studied are two religious authorities, the Shiite Great Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah (b. 1935) and the Eastern Orthodox Metropolitan of Mount Lebanon, Georges Khodr (b. 1923), and two academic scholars, Doctor Mahmoud Ayoub (b. 1935) and Doctor, Father Mouchir Aoun (b. 1964), from the Shiite and Greek Catholic communities, respectively. The method of the study is systematic analysis. The sources consist of the four thinkers writings on Christian-Muslim relations, the most of which have been published in Lebanon in the 1990s and 2000s in the Arabic language. In their general guidelines for Christian-Muslim dialogue, the four authors do not offer any novel or unusual insights. However, their dialogue visions are multi-faceted, motivating interreligious encounter both on religious and practical grounds and clarifying the theological grounds and socio-political conditions of this endeavour. The major challenge appears to be the tension between loyalty to one s own convictions and taking into account the particular self-understanding of the other. While this tension may be ultimately unsolvable, it is obvious that linking dialogue tightly to missionary motivations or certain theological agenda imposed on the others is not conducive for better mutual understanding. As for how diverse theologies of religions affect interreligious dialogue, narrow exclusivism hardly promotes mutual knowledge and appreciation, but also inclusive and pluralistic positions have their particular dilemmas. In the end, dialogue is possible from diverse positions on theology of religions. All the authors discuss the theological themes of divine revelation, concept of God, and human condition and ultimate destiny. The two religions particular views on these issues cannot be reconciled, but the authors offer diverse means to facilitate mutual understanding on them, such as increasing mutual knowledge, questioning certain traditional condemnations, showing theological parallels between the two religions, and transcending doctrinal disagreements by stressing common religious experience or ethical concerns. Among the theological themes, especially the concept of God seems to offer possibilities for better understanding than has traditionally been the case. Significantly, all the four authors maintain that Christians and Muslims share the faith in the one God, irrespective of their disagreements about the nature of his oneness. Basic ethical principles are not discussed as widely by the four authors as might be expected, which may reflect the shared cultural background and common ethical values of the Lebanese Muslims and Christians. On this level, Christians alienation from the Islamic law appears as the most significant challenge to mutual understanding, while neighbourly love and the golden rule of ethics offer a fruitful basis for further dialogue. As for the issue of political power-sharing in Lebanon, it is clear that the proposal of an Islamic state is problematic in a country with a sizable Christian minority and a heterogeneous Muslim population. Some form of democracy seems more viable for a multireligious country, but the question remains how to retain religion as a vital force in society, which is felt to be important by all the four Lebanese authors.
Resumo:
Regional autonomy in Indonesia was initially introduced as a means of pacifying regional disappointment at the central government. Not only did the Regional Autonomy Law of 1999 give the Balinese a chance to express grievance regarding the centralist policies of the Jakarta government but also provided an opportunity to return to the regional, exclusive, traditional village governance (desa adat). As a result, the problems faced by the island, particularly ethnic conflicts, are increasingly handled by the mechanism of this traditional type of governance. Traditional village governance with regard to ethnic conflicts (occurring) between Balinese and migrants has never been systematically analyzed. Existing analyses emphasized only the social context, but do not explain either the cause of conflicts and the ensuing problems entails or the virtues of traditional village governance mechanisms for mediating in the conflict. While some accounts provide snapshots, they lack both theoretical and conflict study perspective. The primary aim of this dissertation is to explore the expression and the causes of conflict between the Balinese and migrants and to advance the potential of traditional village governance as a means of conflict resolution with particular reference to the municipality of Denpasar. One conclusion of the study is that the conflict between the Balinese and migrants has been expressed on the level of situation/contradiction, attitudes, and behavior. Yet the driving forces behind the conflict itself consist of the following factors: absence of cooperation; incompatible position and perception; inability to communicate effectively; and problem of inequality and injustice, which comes to the surface as a social, cultural, and economic problem. This complex of factors fuels collective fear for the future of both groups. The study concludes that traditional village governance mechanisms as a means of conflict resolution have not yet been able to provide an enduring resolution for the conflict. Analysis shows that the practice of traditional village governance is unable to provide satisfactory mechanisms for the conflict as prescribed by conflict resolution theory. Traditional village governance, which is derived from the exclusive Hindu-Balinese culture, is accepted as more legitimate among the Balinese than the official governance policies. However, it is not generally accepted by most of the Muslim migrants. In addition, traditional village governance lacks access to economic instruments, which weakens its capacity to tackle the economic roots of the conflict. Thus the traditional mechanisms of migrant ordinance , as practiced by the traditional village governance have not yet been successful in penetrating all aspects of the conflict. Finally, one of the main challenges for traditional village governance s legal development is the creation of a regional legal system capable of accommodating rapid changes in line with the national and international legal practices. The framing of the new laws should be responsive to the aspirations of a changing society. It should not only protect the various Balinese communities interests, but also that of other ethnic groups, especially those of the minority. In other words, the main challenge to traditional village governance is its ability to develop flexibility and inclusiveness.