892 resultados para law and order


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Essa pesquisa objetiva a análise da relação entre religião e política, em perspectiva de gênero considerando a atuação de parlamentares evangélicos/as na 54ª Legislatura (de 2011 a 2014) e a forma de intervenção desses atores no espaço político brasileiro quanto à promulgação de leis e ao desenvolvimento de políticas públicas que contemplem, dentre outras, a regulamentação do aborto, a criminalização da homofobia, a união estável entre pessoas do mesmo sexo e os desafios oriundos dessa posição para o Estado Brasileiro que se posiciona como laico. Ora, se laico remete à ideia de neutralidade estatal em matéria religiosa, legislar legitimado por determinados princípios fundamentados em doutrinas religiosas, pode sugerir a supressão da liberdade e da igualdade, o não reconhecimento da diversidade e da pluralidade e a ausência de limites entre os interesses públicos / coletivos e privados / particulares. Os procedimentos metodológicos para o desenvolvimento dessa pesquisa fundamentam-se na análise e interpretação bibliográfica visando estabelecer a relação entre religião e política, a conceituação, qualificação e tipificação do fenômeno da laicidade; levantamento documental; análise dos discursos de parlamentares evangélicos/as divulgados pela mídia, proferidos no plenário e adotados para embasar projetos de leis; pesquisa qualitativa com a realização de entrevistas e observações das posturas públicas adotadas pelos/as parlamentares integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica - FPE. Porquanto, os postulados das Ciências da Religião devidamente correlacionados com a interpretação do conjunto de dados obtidos no campo de pesquisa podem identificar o lugar do religioso na sociedade de forma interativa com as interfaces da laicidade visando aprofundar a compreensão sobre a democracia, sobre o lugar da religião nas sociedades contemporâneas e sobre os direitos difusos, coletivos e individuais das pessoas.

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"A journal of law and order devoted to the welfare of the people."

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O objetivo do presente estudo foi realizar uma análise da interação do Exército Brasileiro perante os 42 (quarenta e dois) órgãos civis e militares no conjunto de favelas da Maré e de que forma estas influenciaram na doutrina das operações militares de pacificação. A Operação São Francisco - iniciada em 5 de abril de 2014 pela Força de Pacificação (F Pac), foi designada aos componentes do Ministério da Defesa para assegurar e promover a garantia da lei e da ordem (GLO) pública nas comunidades do Complexo da Maré, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. A metodologia proposta baseou-se em uma pesquisa aplicada com técnica de abordagem mista, através da pesquisa bibliográfica, da análise dos documentos e relatórios da F Pac e da realização de entrevistas aos integrantes das forças militares e dos civis que prestaram serviços públicos na região supracitada. Para isso, foi utilizado o método indutivo por meio dos testes estatísticos, que visaram identificar relacionamentos causais entre as demandas de serviços públicos civis atendidos nas comunidades, bem como a influência destas nas operações de pacificação e nas políticas de defesa voltadas à atualização da doutrina e das operações militares. As contribuições teóricas esperadas foram a observação das mudanças no emprego operacional em um ambiente com alta criminalidade e baixo Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) e fornecer informações para o emprego colaborativo das instituições civis sob a proteção militar (mas não sob o controle militar). Isto visou proporcionar à população o acesso aos serviços públicos básicos com segurança e minimizou o desgaste das ações de GLO através da conquista da opinião pública local. As contribuições práticas esperadas residiram no aumento do potencial militar, através da integração de políticas públicas efetivas das pastas civis. As implicações referiram-se a abordagem e a maior interação entre as pastas governamentais militares e civis através da mediação da Seção de Assuntos Civis. As pesquisas deste trabalho evidenciaram por serem restritas ao contexto da pacificação de um conjunto de favelas da capital do Estado do Rio de Janeiro no ano de 2014.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.

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Werden Sportergebnisse statistisch ausgewertet, dann ist es für einige Sportarten möglich, die Komponenten Zufall und Leistung voneinander zu trennen. Für diese Untersuchungsmethode ergibt sich zwangsläufig die Bezeichnung „Sportanalyse“. Sportanalyse im engeren Sinne ist die Auswertung oder die Simulation von Sportergebnissen mit Hilfe der statistischen Methoden. Deren Kenntnis ist jedoch nicht erforderlich für das Verständnis der Ergebnisse der Sportanalysen, sofern dafür eine spezielle Fachsprache mit sorgfältig definierten Begriffen entwickelt wird. Mit der vorliegenden Schrift wird eine derartige Nomenklatur vorgeschlagen. Die wichtigsten Begriffe sind der Fehler und der Zufall. Fehler sind Regelverstöße oder es sind regelkonforme Abweichungen vom Handlungsoptimum, mit leichten bis schwersten Nachteilen als Folge. In den meisten Sportarten ergeben sich Fehler zufallsbedingt und somit ohne Absicht oder Verschulden. Zufälle sorgen im Sport für Gesetz und Ordnung sowie für Spannung. Ihr Wirken ist neutral, ausgleichend und gerecht. Allein die in dieser Nomenklatur enthaltenen Begriffe könnten für viele Sportler und Sportbeteiligte hilfreich sein für das Verständnis der komplizierten Zusammenhänge beim Zustandekommen der Sportresultate.

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El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

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[Introduction.] It is generally believed that while the principle of the autonomy of the EU legal order, in the sense of constitutional and institutional autonomy that is to say what concerns the autonomous decision-making of the EU, has been clearly strengthened by the most recent jurisprudence of the Court of Justice (eg. Moxplant3, Intertanko or the Kadi/Al Baraakat judgements or the Opinion 1/2009 of the CJEU etc.) as well as, in my opinion, in many aspects by the Treaty of Lisbon, it is still valid to add that the principle of a favourable approach, stemming from the Court jurisprudence, for the enhanced openness of the EU legal order to international law has remained equally important for the EU4. On the other hand, it should be also seen that in a globalized world, and following the increased role of the EU as an international actor, its indispensable and crucial role concerning the creation of world (legal) order in many policy fields ( for example let's think about the G20 issues, the global economic and financial crisis, the role of the EU in promoting and protecting human rights worldwide, the implementation of the multilateral or regional conventional law, developed in the framework the UN (e.g. in the field of agriculture or environment etc) or what concerns the Kyoto process on climate change or the conservation of marine biological resources at international level etc), it seems reasonable and justified to submit that the influence, for example, of the law-making activities of the main stakeholder international organizations in the mentioned policy-areas on the EU (especially on the development of its constantly evolving legal order) or vice-versa the influence of the EU law-making practice on these international organizations is significant, in many aspects mutually interdependent and more and more remarkable. This tendency of the 21st century doesn't mean, however, in my view, that the notion of the autonomy of the EU legal order would have been weakened by this increasing interaction between international law and EU law over the passed years. This contribution is going to demonstrate and prove these departuring points by giving some concrete examples from the most recent practice of the Council (all occuring either in the second half of 2009 or after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty), and which relate to two very important policy areas in the EU, namely the protection of human rights and the Common Fishery Policy.

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From the Introduction. In the USA, the debate is still ongoing as to whether and to what extent the Supreme Court could or should refer to foreign precedent, in particular in relation to constitutional matters such as the death penalty.1 In the EU, in particular the recent Kadi case of 20082 has triggered much controversy,3 thereby highlighting the opposite angle to a similar discussion. The focus of attention in Europe is namely to what extent the European Court of Justice (hereafter “ECJ”) could lawfully and rightfully refuse to plainly ‘surrender’ or to subordinate the EC legal system to UN law and obligations when dealing with human rights issues. This question becomes all the more pertinent in view of the fact that in the past the ECJ has been rather receptive and constructive in forging interconnectivity between the EC legal order and international law developments. A bench mark in that respect was undoubtedly the Racke case of 1998,4 where the ECJ spelled out the necessity for the EC to respect international law with direct reference to a ruling of the International Court of Justice. This judgment which was rendered 10 years earlier than Kadi equally concerned EC/EU economic sanctions taken in implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions. A major question is therefore whether it is at all possible, and if so to determine how, to reconcile those apparently conflicting judgments.

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Since a recent Australian study found that university law students experience higher rates of depression than medical students and legal professionals (Kelk et al. 2009), the mental health of law students has increasingly become a target of government. To date, however, there has been no attempt to analyse these practices as an activity of government in advanced liberal societies. This paper addresses this imbalance by providing an initial analytics of the government of depression in law schools. It demonstrates how students are responsibilised to manage the risks and uncertainties of legal education by constructing resilient forms of personal and professional personae. It highlights that, in order to avoid depression, students are encouraged to shape not just their minds and bodies according to psychological and biomedical discourses, but are also to govern their ethical dispositions and become virtuous persons. This paper also argues that these forms of government are tied to advanced liberal forms of rule, as they position the law student as the locus of responsibility for depression, imply that depression is caused by an individual failing, and entrench students within responsibilising and entrepreneurial forms of subjectivity.

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As online social spaces continue to grow in importance, the complex relationship between users and the private providers of the platforms continues to raise increasingly difficult questions about legitimacy in online governance. This article examines two issues that go to the core of egitimate governance in online communities: how are rules enforced and punishments imposed, and how should the law support legitimate governance and protect participants from the illegitimate exercise of power? Because the rules of online communities are generally ultimately backed by contractual terms of service, the imposition of punishment for the breach of internal rules exists in a difficult conceptual gap between criminal law and the predominantly compensatory remedies of contractual doctrine. When theorists have addressed the need for the rules of virtual communities to be enforced, a dichotomy has generally emerged between the appropriate role of criminal law for 'real' crimes, and the private, internal resolution of 'virtual' or 'fantasy' crimes. In this structure, the punitive effect of internal measures is downplayed and the harm that can be caused to participants by internal sanctions is systemically undervalued.

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In Mango Boulevard Pty Ltd v Spencer [2010] QCA 207, a self-executing order had been made in consequence of continuing default by parties to the proceedings in meeting their disclosure obligations. The case involved several questions about the construction and implications of the self-executing order. This note focuses on the aspects of the case relating to that order.

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Glenwood Homes Pty Ltd v Everhard [2008] QSC 192 involved the not uncommon situation where one costs order is made against several parties represented by a single firm of solicitors. Dutney J considered the implications when only some of the parties liable for the payment of the costs file a notice of objection to the costs statement served in respect of those costs.