761 resultados para Public Squares. Social Groups. Territoriality. Public Spaces. Public Sphere and the Private Sphere
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This paper discusses a model based on the agency theory to analyze the optimal transfer of construction risk in public works contracts. The base assumption is that of a contract between a principal (public authority) and an agent (firm), where the payment mechanism is linear and contains an incentive mechanism to enhance the effort of the agent to reduce construction costs. A theoretical model is proposed starting from a cost function with a random component and assuming that both the public authority and the firm are risk averse. The main outcome of the paper is that the optimal transfer of construction risk will be lower when the variance of errors in cost forecast, the risk aversion of the firm and the marginal cost of public funds are larger, while the optimal transfer of construction risk will grow when the variance of errors in cost monitoring and the risk aversion of the public authority are larger
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Arquitectos y no arquitectos como Rossi, Grassi, Jacobs, Sennett o Lefebvre, denunciaron críticamente durante los 50, 50 y 70 la ruptura entre la calle y el espacio doméstico y el consiguiente declive del dominio público urbano a escala de ciudad y a escala de barrio. La crítica a la "Ville Contemporaine" no solo se escribía, también se dibujaba y a veces, incluso, se construía. La primera generación post-CIAM trabajó intensamente en desmentir con palabras y obras al Oud que ya en los años 20 del pasado siglo, tomando la delantera a Le Corbusier y desde su mejor sentido práctico y estético afirmaba: "Las calles para el negocio, los patios interiores para la vida. Los dos estrictamente separados y con un carácter contradictorio".
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Throughout the development and maturation of the American democratic experience, religiously inspired conduct has contributed significantly to democratically progressive political concerns such as the abolition of slavery and campaigns for civil rights, but also the encouragement and perpetuation pf anti-democratic practices such as the institution of slavery and policies of racial segregation. It may be rarely admitted, but there is no essential conceptual affinity between conduct proper to democratic political association. It may, therefore, be useful in our own political circumstances to try to determine boundaries for conduct that expresses and satisfies compatibly both religious and democratic commitments. Perhaps most Americans do recognize – if not in their own cases, at least in reference to the beliefs and actions of others – that religiously inspired conduct is neither thereby justified morally or legally nor absolved from further critical appraisal. Certainly, the history of American legal practice shows that religious belief or inspiration does not serve as acceptable legal defense for conduct charged as criminal infraction. The U.S. Constitution contains only two references to religion: the non-establishment clause prohibits governmental institutionalization of religious beliefs or liberty rights – is limited in scope and application both by other constitutional rights of individuals and by constitutionally authorized powers of government. As the U.S.S.C. has repeatedly held, individual constitutional features must be understood in a manner that harmonizes all stated and implied constitutional features, not by unbridled abstractions of selected phrases. Under the American legal system, there is no absolute or unlimited right to free exercise of religion: not everything done publicly under religious inspiration is legally permissible; what is otherwise illegal conduct is not legalized by religious inspiration. In important respects, general features of the legal boundaries concerning religiously inspired conduct in public life are reasonably clear; nevertheless, broader issues concerning further moral or ethical constraints upon religiously inspired conduct remain unresolved and rarely addressed explicitly.
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https://bluetigercommons.lincolnu.edu/pli/1009/thumbnail.jpg
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Earthquake prediction research has searched for both informational phenomena, those that provide information about earthquake hazards useful to the public, and causal phenomena, causally related to the physical processes governing failure on a fault, to improve our understanding of those processes. Neither informational nor causal phenomena are a subset of the other. I propose a classification of potential earthquake predictors of informational, causal, and predictive phenomena, where predictors are causal phenomena that provide more accurate assessments of the earthquake hazard than can be gotten from assuming a random distribution. Achieving higher, more accurate probabilities than a random distribution requires much more information about the precursor than just that it is causally related to the earthquake.
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Although 23 states and the District of Columbia have now legalized marijuana for medical purposes, marijuana remains a prohibited substance under federal law. Because the production, sale, possession and use of marijuana remain illegal, there is a risk of prosecution under federal laws. Furthermore, those who help marijuana users and providers put themselves at risk — federal law punishes not only those who violate drug laws but also those who assist or conspire with them to do so. In the case of lawyers representing marijuana users and businesspeople, this means not only the real (though remote) risk of criminal prosecution but also the more immediate risk of professional discipline. Elsewhere, we wrote about the difficult place in which lawyers find themselves when representing marijuana clients. We argued that while both the criminal law and the rules of professional conduct rightly require legal obedience from lawyers, other countervailing factors must be considered when evaluating lawyers’ representation of marijuana clients. In particular, we asserted that considerations of equity and access to justice weigh dispositively in favor of protecting lawyers who endeavor to help their clients comply with state marijuana laws, and we suggested means of interpreting relevant criminal law provisions and rules of professional conduct to achieve this result. This article builds on that analysis, taking on the particular issue of the public lawyer’s’ role in marijuana regulation. For government lawyers, the key issues in exercising discretion in the context of marijuana are not clients’ access to the law and equality but rather determining the clients’ wishes and serving them diligently and ethically. Lawyers representing state agencies, legislatures and the executive branch of government draft and interpret the rules and regulations regarding marijuana. Lawyers for federal, state and local governments then interpret those rules to determine the obligations and responsibilities of those they represent and to help their clients meet those obligations and carry out their required tasks. Both state and federal prosecutors are charged with determining what conduct remains illegal under the new rules and, perhaps more importantly, with exercising discretion regarding whom to prosecute and to what extent. Marijuana regulation is not a niche area of government regulation; it will influence the practice of virtually every public lawyer in the years to come. Public lawyers must understand the changes in marijuana law and the implications for government clients. Given the pervasiveness of the modern regulatory state, the situation is no easier — and, in many ways, it is more complicated — for public lawyers than it is for private ones. Public lawyers face myriad practice challenges with respect to marijuana law reform, and while we do not purport to identify and resolve all of the issues that are sure to arise in this short paper, we hope that the article helps alert public lawyers to some of the risks involved in participating in marijuana regulation so that they can think carefully about their obligations when these issues arise.
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Los destinos turísticos tradicionales del litoral español se enfrentan a profundas transformaciones debidas a varios factores, entre los que se encuentran cambios notables en el comportamiento de la demanda y un intenso crecimiento de la competencia a todos los niveles, que puede poner en duda la pervivencia del modelo de desarrollo de estas áreas maduras. Lejos de ser una excepción, la situación que se describe para la Costa Blanca es extrapolable a otros destinos turísticos en otras regiones y en ámbitos urbanos, que se enfrentan al reto de incorporar nuevas estrategias de renovación, diversificación y reestructuración de su tejido urbano y turístico, como clave de reorientación de su ciclo de vida. A partir del estudio del caso de la Costa Blanca, pero con una vocación globalizadora, se tratan a continuación argumentos referidos a los cambios en la demanda turística y de ocio cotidiano, y cómo ello afecta a la necesidad de intervenir de un modo distinto en el diseño y gestión del tejido urbano que perciben los visitantes y residentes. Se percibe de forma clara que se ha de trabajar de un modo distinto tanto la escena urbana como el territorio turístico a partir de la potenciación de valores diferenciadores: por una adecuada intervención urbanística en los espacios públicos con acciones capaces de distinguir al destino de sus competidores, por la incorporación de nuevos elementos de atracción e innovación urbana, o por una gestión más eficiente de los servicios y las funciones urbanas de los destinos turísticos. A partir de varios indicadores se demuestra que la competitividad de los destinos tradicionales, sean áreas costeras o ciudades, ya no sólo reside en sus recursos patrimoniales, litorales o climáticos, sino que su valor diferenciador se vincula también a la calidad urbana percibida y a la capacidad de incorporar en las acciones de futuro las nuevas necesidades de residentes y visitantes, cada vez más exigentes e impredecibles.
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The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and its accompanying Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions can be tools used to increase the international profile of the European Union. Nevertheless, CSDP missions garner little news coverage. This article argues that the very nature of the missions themselves makes them poor vehicles for EU promotion for political, institutional, and logistical reasons. By definition, they are conducted in the middle of crises, making news coverage politically sensitive. The very act of reporting could undermine the mission. Institutionally, all CSDP missions are intergovernmental, making press statements slow, overly bureaucratic, and of little interest to journalists. Logistically, the missions are often located in remote, undeveloped parts of the world, making it difficult and expensive for European and international journalists to cover. Moreover, these regions in crisis seldom have a thriving, local free press. Using the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) as a case study, the author concludes that although a mission may do good, CSDP missions cannot fulfil the political function of raising the profile of the EU.