735 resultados para Philosophy, Asian.
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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die vorgelegte Dissertation enthält zwei Teile. Der erste beinhaltet eine Einführung in die Flora Südostasiens und die Untersuchungsgruppe Asteraceae-Senecioneae Cass. mit den Gattungen Cissampelopsis (DC.) Miq., Gynura Cass. und Crassocephalum Moench (Kapitel 1). Der zweite Teil besteht aus drei Manuskripten, die auf originalen Forschungsergebnissen basieren (Kapitel 2-4). In Kapitel 2 wird eine Revision der asiatischen Gattung Cissampelopsis vorgelegt. Die folgenden zwei Sektionen mit zehn Arten und zwei Varietäten werden anerkannt: sect. Buimalia C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen mit C. buimalia (Buch.-Ham. ex D. Don) C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen, C. erythrochaeta C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen und C. calcadensis (Ramasw.) C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen sowie sect. Cissampelopsis mit C. glandulosa C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen, C. walkeri (Arn.) C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen mit var. walkeri und var. floccosa Vanijajiva & Kadereit (var. nov.), C. corifolia C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen, C. volubilis (Bl.) Miq, C. ansteadii (Tadul. & Jacob) C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen, C. spelaeicola (Van.) C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen und C. corymbosa (Wall. ex DC.) C. Jeffrey & Y. L. Chen. Schlüssel, Artbeschreibungen, Fotographien von Blütenmerkmalen und Verbreitungskarten werden präsentiert. Kapitel 3 beinhaltet die Revision der paläotropischen Gattung Gynura. Vierundvierzig Arten werden anerkannt, darunter die folgenden drei Neubeschreibungen: G. davisii Vanijajiva & Kadereit, G. siamensis Vanijajiva & Kadereit und G. villosus Vanijajiva & Kadereit. Gynura dissecta (F. G. Davies) Vanijajiva & Kadereit, G. annua (F. G. Davies) Vanijajiva & Kadereit und G. aurantiaca (Bl) DC. subsp. parviflora (F. G. Davies) Vanijajiva & Kadereit sind Neukombinationen. Ein Schlüssel, Artbeschreibungen und Verbreitungskarten werden vorgelegt. In Kapitel 4 wird eine Analyse von Crassocephalum in Asien, einer aus Afrika eingeschleppten Gattung, präsentiert. Diese Untersuchung basiert auf umfangreicher Feldarbeit, Herbarstudien, Analysen der Pollen- und Samenfertilität, Chromosomenzählungen sowie ITS- und trnL-F-Sequenzen. Die Studie ergab, dass Crassocephalum in Asien mit zwei Arten und deren Hybrid vertreten ist. Die zwei Arten sind C. crepidioides (Benth.) S. Moore und C. rubens (Juss. ex Jacq.) S. Moore, wobei letztere einen Neufund für Asien darstellt. Der Hybrid aus diesen beiden Arten resultiert aus einer Kreuzung von C. crepidioides (2n=40) als weiblichem und C. rubens (2n=40) als männlichem Elter.
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Mongolia occupies a central position within the eastern branch of the large accretionary Central Asian Orogenic Belt (CAOB) or Altaids. The present work aims to outline the geodynamic environment and possible evolution of this part of the eastern CAOB, predominantly from the Cambrian to the middle Palaeozoic. The investigation primarily focussed on zircon geochronology as well as whole-rock geochemical and Sm–Nd isotopic analyses for a variety of metaigneous rocks from the southern Hangay and Gobi-Altai regions in south-central Mongolia. The southern slope of the Hangay Mountains in central Mongolia exposes a large NWSE-trending middle Neoproterozoic ophiolitic complex (c. 650 Ma), which is tectonically integrated within an accretionary complex developed between the Precambrian Baydrag and Hangay crustal blocks. Formation of the entire accretionary system along the north-eastern margin of the Baydrag block mainly occurred during the early Cambrian, but convergence within this orogenic zone continued until the early Ordovician, because of on-going southward subduction-accretion of the Baydrag block. An important discovery is the identification of a late Mesoproterozoic to early Neoproterozoic belt within the northern Gobi-Altai that was reworked during the late Cambrian and throughout the late Ordovician/Devonian. Early Silurian low-grade mafic and felsic metavolcanic rocks from the northern Gobi-Altai display subduction-related geochemical features and highly heterogeneous Nd isotopic compositions, which suggest an origin at a mature active continental margin. Early Devonian protoliths of granodioritic and mafic gneisses from the southern Gobi-Altai display geochemical and Nd isotopic compositions compatible with derivation and evolution from predominantly juvenile crustal and mantel sources and these rocks may have been emplaced within the outboard portion of the late Ordovician/early Silurian active continental margin. Moreover, middle Devonian low-grade metavolcanic rocks from the southwestern Gobi-Altai yielded geochemical and Nd isotopic data consistent with emplacement in a transitional arc-backarc setting. The combined U–Pb zircon ages and geochemical data obtained from the Gobi-Altai region suggest that magmatism across an active continental margin migrated oceanwards through time by way of subduction zone retreat throughout the Devonian. Progressive extension of the continental margin was associated with the opening of a backarc basin and culminated in the late Devonian with the formation of a Japan-type arc front facing a southward open oceanic realm (present-day coordinates).
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Die Geschichte und Entwicklung der ASEAN und Indonesiens im Zeitraum von 1967rnbis ins frühe 21. Jahrhundert sind eng miteinander verknüpft. Um der Frage nachrndem indonesischen Einflusspotenzial in der ASEAN im 21. Jahrhundert nachgehenrnund dann einen Ausblick auf die Zukunft der Rolle Indonesiens in der ASEAN gebenrnzu können, bedarf es zunächst einer Analyse dessen, was in der Vergangenheitrndazu führte, dass Indonesien in der Region als primus inter pares wahrgenommenrnwurde, und der Rolle, die Indonesien im Rahmen der Erweiterung und Vertiefung der ASEAN bisher spielte. So ist der Fokus der Arbeit auf vier Phasen gerichtet: (1) die Gründungszeit der ASEAN sowie die Etablierung Indonesiens als einer der einflussreichsten Mitgliedstaaten; (2) die asiatische Finanzkrise, die nicht nur der Entwicklung der ASEAN als erstem Erfolgsmodell regionaler Kooperation in Südostasien vorläufig ein Ende setzte, sondern auch Indonesien in große wirtschaftliche wie politische Turbulenzen trieb; (3) die überregionale Erweiterung der ASEAN und der Beginn der politischen Transformation in Indonesien sowie (4) die Vertiefung der ASEAN-Kooperation und die Stabilisierung Indonesiens als demokratischer Akteur. rnFür alle vier Phasen werden das materielle Machtprofil, die institutionellen Verknüpfungen sowie ideelle Faktoren des Einflusspotenzials Indonesiens untersucht, um sich einer Antwort auf die Frage zu nähern, über welches Einflusspotenzial Indonesien in der ASEAN des 21. Jahrhunderts verfügt. Die Analyse bringt zutage, dass es Indonesien vor der Asienkrise trotz erheblicherrnEntwicklungsrückstände möglich war, gestaltenden Einfluss auf die ASEANrnauszuüben und an regionaler Bedeutsamkeit sowie Einflusspotenzial in der ASEANrnzu gewinnen. Trotz deutlich erkennbarer Entwicklungsfortschritte ist dasrngegenwärtige Indonesien jedoch nicht in der Lage, sein Einflusspotenzial in derrnASEAN zu steigern, sich als relevanter Akteur zu etablieren und erneut einernSchlüsselrolle einzunehmen. Die Akteure der ASEAN folgen nicht wie einst denrnIdeen Indonesiens, und die regionale Fremdwahrnehmung Indonesiens wird ganzrnerheblich vom derzeitigen politischen und sozialen Wertesystem beeinflusst, mit dem sich kein anderer ASEAN-Staat ohne Einschränkung identifizieren kann. rnDie Erkenntnisse der Arbeit führen letztlich zu dem Fazit, dass es aktuell kaum Raum für eine Steigerung des indonesishen Einflusse innerhalb des ostasiatischenrnRegionalismus gibt. Für die Gegenwart und vielleicht die kommenden Dekaden mussrnfür Indonesien attestiert werden, dass es sich mit der Rolle als Teilnehmer in den ASEAN-Prozessen begnügen muss.
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Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l’analisi dell’evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell’approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell’economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell’Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell’approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la “chiave di volta” per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l’emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell’ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell’evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell’approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l’essenzialismo nell’interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. “valori asiatici”) attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e “parallela”) altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali.
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Using findings from a qualitative investigation based on in-depth email interviews with 47 Black and South Asian gay men in Britain, this paper explores the cross-cutting identities and discourses in relation to being both gay and from an ethnic minority background. Taking an intersectional approach, detailed accounts of identity negotiation, cultural pressures, experiences of discrimination and exclusion and the relationship between minority ethnic gay men and mainstream White gay culture are presented and explored. The major findings common to both groups were: cultural barriers limiting disclosure of sexuality to family and wider social networks; experiences of discrimination by White gay men that included exclusion as well as objectification; a lack of positive gay role models and imagery relating to men from minority ethnic backgrounds. Among South Asian gay men, a major theme was regret at being unable to fulfil family expectations regarding marriage and children, while among Black gay men, there was a strong belief that same-sex behaviour subverted cultural notions related to how masculinity is configured. The paper concludes by highlighting the importance of social location, particularly education and income, when examining the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality in future research.
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This paper critically examines the liberation theology of José Porfirio Miranda, as expressed in his Marx and the Bible (1971), with a focus on the central idea (and subtitle) of this work: the “Critique of the Philosophy of Oppression.” Miranda’s critique is examined via certain key tropes such as “power,” “justice,” and “freedom,” both in the context of late twentieth-century Latin American society, and in the state of the “post-Christian” and “post-Marxist” world more generally, vis-à-vis contemporary liberal justice theory. Close examination of the potentialities, paradoxes and subtle evasions in Miranda’s critique leads not to the conclusion that Miranda does not go far enough in his application of Christian principles to justice theory.
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This paper provides an analysis of the key term aidagara (“betweenness”) in the philosophical ethics of Watsuji Tetsurō (1889-1960), in response to and in light of the recent movement in Japanese Buddhist studies known as “Critical Buddhism.” The Critical Buddhist call for a turn away from “topical” or intuitionist thinking and towards (properly Buddhist) “critical” thinking, while problematic in its bipolarity, raises the important issue of the place of “reason” versus “intuition” in Japanese Buddhist ethics. In this paper, a comparison of Watsuji’s “ontological quest” with that of Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), Watsuji’s primary Western source and foil, is followed by an evaluation of a corresponding search for an “ontology of social existence” undertaken by Tanabe Hajime (1885-1962). Ultimately, the philosophico-religious writings of Watsuji Tetsurō allow for the “return” of aesthesis as a modality of social being that is truly dimensionalized, and thus falls prey neither to the verticality of topicalism nor the limiting objectivity of criticalism.
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Reform is a word that, one might easily say, characterizes more than any other the history and development of Buddhism. Yet, it must also be said that reform movements in East Asian Buddhism have often taken on another goal—harmony or unification; that is, a desire not only to reconstruct a more worthy form of Buddhism, but to simultaneously bring together all existing forms under a single banner, in theory if not in practice. This paper explores some of the tensions between the desire for reform and the quest for harmony in modern Japanese Buddhism thought, by comparing two developments: the late 19th century movement towards ‘New Buddhism’ (shin Bukkyō) as exemplified by Murakami Senshō 村上専精 (1851–1929), and the late 20th century movement known as ‘Critical Buddhism’ (hihan Bukkyō), as found in the works of Matsumoto Shirō 松本史朗 and Hakamaya Noriaki 袴谷憲昭. In all that has been written about Critical Buddhism, in both Japanese and English, very little attention has been paid to the place of the movement within the larger traditions of Japanese Buddhist reform. Here I reconsider Critical Buddhism in relation to the concerns of the previous, much larger trends towards Buddhist reform that emerged almost exactly 100 years previous—the so-called shin Bukkyō or New Buddhism of the late-Meiji era. Shin Bukkyō is a catch-all term that includes the various writings and activities of Inoue Enryō, Shaku Sōen, and Kiyozawa Manshi, as well as the so-called Daijō-hibussetsuron, a broad term used (often critically) to describe Buddhist writers who suggested that Mahāyāna Buddhism is not, in fact, the Buddhism taught by the ‘historical’ Buddha Śākyamuni. Of these, I will make a few general remarks about Daijō-hibusseturon, before turning attention more specifically to the work of Murakami Senshō, in order to flesh out some of the similarities and differences between his attempt to construct a ‘unified Buddhism’ and the work of his late-20th century avatars, the Critical Buddhists. Though a number of their aims and ideas overlap, I argue that there remain fundamental differences with respect to the ultimate purposes of Buddhist reform. This issue hinges on the implications of key terms such as ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ as well as the way doctrinal history is categorized and understood, but it also relates to issues of ideology and the use and abuse of Buddhist doctrines in 20th-century politics.
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The decline of traditional religions in Japan in the past century, and especially since the end of World War Two, has led to an explosion of so-called “new religions” (shin shūkyō 新宗教), many of which have made forays into the political realm. The best known—and most controversial—example of a “political” new religion is Sōka Gakkai 創価学会, a lay Buddhist movement originally associated with the Nichiren sect that in the 1960s gave birth to a new political party, Komeitō 公明党 (lit., Clean Government Party), which in the past several decades has emerged as the third most popular party in Japan (as New Komeitō). Since the 1980s, Japan has also seen the emergence of so-called “new, new religions” (shin shin shūkyō 新新宗教), which tend to be more technologically savvy and less socially concerned (and, in the eyes of critics, more akin to “cults” than the earlier new religions). One new, new religion known as Kōfuku-no-Kagaku 幸福の科学 (lit., Institute for Research in Human Happiness or simply Happy Science), founded in 1986 by Ōkawa Ryūho 大川隆法, has very recently developed its own political party, Kōfuku Jitsugentō 幸福実現党 (The Realization of Happiness Party). This article will analyse the political ideals of Kōfuku Jitsugentō in relation to its religious teachings, in an attempt to situate the movement within the broader tradition of religio-political syncretism in Japan. In particular, it will examine the recent “manifesto” of Kōfuku Jitsugentō in relation to those of New Komeitō and “secular” political parties such as the Liberal Democratic Party (Jimintō 自民党) and the Democratic Party (Minshutō 民主党).
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For several centuries, Japanese scholars have argued that their nation’s culture—including its language, religion and ways of thinking—is somehow unique. The darker side of this rhetoric, sometimes known by the English term “Japanism” (nihon-jinron), played no small role in the nationalist fervor of the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While much of the so-called “ideology of Japanese uniqueness” can be dismissed, in terms of the Japanese approach to “religion,” there may be something to it. This paper highlights some distinctive—if not entirely unique—features of the way religion has been categorized and understood in Japanese tradition, contrasting these with Western (i.e., Abrahamic), and to a lesser extent Indian and Chinese understandings. Particular attention is given to the priority of praxis over belief in the Japanese religious context. Des siècles durant, des chercheurs japonais ont soutenu que leur culture – soit leur langue, leur religion et leurs façons de penser – était en quelque sorte unique. Or, sous son jour le plus sombre, cette rhétorique, parfois désignée du terme de « japonisme » (nihon-jinron), ne fut pas sans jouer un rôle déterminant dans la montée de la ferveur nationaliste à la fin du XIXe siècle, ainsi qu’au début du XXe siècle. Bien que l’on puisse discréditer pour l’essentiel cette soi-disant « idéologie de l’unicité japonaise », la conception nippone de la « religion » constitue, quant à elle, un objet d’analyse des plus utiles et pertinents. Cet article met en évidence quelques caractéristiques, sinon uniques du moins distinctives, de la manière dont la religion a été élaborée et comprise au sein de la tradition japonaise, pour ensuite les constrater avec les conceptions occidentale (abrahamique) et, dans une moindre mesure, indienne et chinoise. Une attention toute particulière est ici accordée à la praxis plutôt qu’à la croyance dans le contexte religieux japonais.