937 resultados para MEXICAN-AMERICANS
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The host range of two newly imported biotypes of Dactylopius tomentosus and their potential as biological control agents of Cylindropuntia spp. were investigated. A third biotype (imbricata) of D. tomentosus previously released in Australia to control C. imbricata was also screened to determine if it will feed on other species of Cylindropuntia occurring in Australia. Efficacy trials were conducted to evaluate the ability of the biotypes to retard the growth or kill those plant species supporting development of four or more individuals in the host test trials. The host range of the three biotypes of D. tomentosus was restricted to the genus Cylindropuntia. However, the biotypes showed varying degrees of specificity within this genus. The imbricata biotype was the only biotype to develop on Australian C. rosea provenances, albeit with a range of developmental success on all C. rosea provenances tested. The Spanish provenance supported the highest development success followed by Grawin (NSW), Lorne Station (NSW) while the least preferred was the Mexican provenance. The rosea and cholla biotypes were unsuitable candidates to control C. rosea in Australia. However, the efficacy trials showed that the cholla biotype had a high impact on four of the eight naturalised Cylindropuntia species in Australia. This biotype established rapidly and the sustained feeding of one fecund female and her progeny killed potted plants of C. imbricata and C. fulgida at week 18. This biotype has the potential to be an effective agent against C. fulgida, C. imbricata, C. kleiniae and C. tunicata and, as a consequence, an application seeking its release in Australia has been lodged.
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We perceive the epistemological boundaries of Critical Indigenous Studies as marked by analyses of contemporary colonising power in its multiple forms in different contexts. This first issue brings together a diverse group of international Indigenous scholars who are politically and intellectually engaged in theorising from their respective standpoints as well as spatial and geographic locations. As such these essays enable dialogue across and within different colonial power contexts addressing epistemological ethical and methodological concerns within the broad field of Indigenous studies. In each essay a connecting theme is the need for intercultural and comparative work and to import Indigenous agency in the writing of history...
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An article about Jim Montag, published in: Sh’ma, a journal of Jewish responsibility, 20/394, May 11, 1990, pages 105-107.
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Considerable empirical research substantiates the importance of social networks on health and well-being in later life. A study of ethnic minority elders living in two low income public housing buildings in East Harlem was undertaken to gain an understanding of the relationship between their health status and social networks. Findings demonstrate that elders with supportive housing had better psychological outcomes and used significantly more informal supports when in need. However, elders with serious health problems had poorer outcomes regardless of their level of social support. This study highlights the potential of supportive living environments to foster social integration and to optimise formal and informal networks.
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The doctoral thesis deals with Finnish and foreign expert s analyses of Finland s military strategic position and defence capability, dating back to the early years of the Cold War. Finland s military high command prepared assessments of the country s strategic position and of the capability of the Defence Forces as grounds for defence planning. Since Finland was located on the Cold War dividing line, the foreign powers were also monitoring the development of Finland s situation. The research carried out had access to the armed forces internal assessments, as well as to analyses prepared by the military intelligence services of Sweden, Britain and the United States. One of the working hypotheses was that after the WWII the ability military leadership to estimate the security political needs of the country and the organisation of its defence was severely weakened so that the dangers of the international development were not perceived and the gradual erosion of defence capability was partly unnoticed. This hypothesis proved to be wrong. Even if the Finnish military intelligence was much weaker than during the war, it was able to provide the military leadership with information of the international military development for the most part. The military leadership was also fully aware of the weakening of the defence capability of the country. They faced the difficult task of making the country s political leadership, i.e. President Paasikivi and the government, also understand the gravity of the situation. Only in the last years of his term in office Paasikivi started to believe the warnings of the military. According to another hypothesis, outside observers considered the Finnish armed forces to primarily act as reinforcements for the Soviet Red Army, and they believed that, in the event of a full-scale war, the Finns would not have been able or even willing to resist a Soviet invasion of Sweden and Norway through Finland. The study confirmed that this was approximately the view the Swedes, the British and the Americans had of the Finnish forces. Western and Swedish intelligence assessments did not show confidence in Finland s defence ability and the country was regarded almost as a Soviet satellite. Finland s strategic position was, however, considered slightly different from that of the Soviet-occupied Eastern European countries. Finland had been forced to become part of the Soviet sphere of interest and security system and this was sealed by the Finno-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance in 1948. Finland had little importance to the military interests of the Western powers. In Sweden s defence planning, however, Finland played a significant role as an alarm bell of a possible Soviet surprise attack, as well as defensive frontline and buffer zone.
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This work analyses texts on indigenous women´s participation in the Mexican Zapatista Army, Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional. The EZLN came to public attention after ten years of clandestine organization in 1994 in Chiapas, a southern state of Mexico neighboring Guatemala. Along the invasion of various municipalities in Chiapas, the Zapatista Army published their own Revolutionary Laws, directed to the Mexican government that included a section on women´s own laws. The indigenous women´s participation in a guerrilla movement in the economically poorest area of Mexico raised many questions among Mexican feminists and some of them fiercely criticized the laws for not being liberating or feminist at all. The question is, did the indigenous women want the laws to be feminist? To answer the main research question How is the position of women constructed in the Zapatista discourse? I analyze texts by various actors in the discourse within the theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis and the feminist theories of intersectionality. The connecting point in this interdisciplinary framework is the question of power and hegemony. The actors in the discourse are the women commanders themselves, the men commanders, the Zapatista spokesperson, subcomandante Marcos and the Mexican feminists. The texts analyzed are the letters of the EZLN to the media and discourses in public reunions, first published in Mexican newspapers and international discussion lists on the Internet and after 2005, on the Zapatista´s own webpage. The results show that instead of discussing whether the Zapatista women´s participation is feminist or not, the action itself provoked such wide discussion of the diversity within the feminist movement that it is a contribution itself. The work also shows that the use of language can be one tool in the quite recent paradigm of intersectionality in feminist theories.
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The work is the most extensive encyclopedic compilation on Mexican music published to the date, in the form of a dictionary. It includes composer's bios, list of works, musical institutions, instruments, performers, theatres, and many other categories about the music of Mexico. Most of entries include bibliography.
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A short article summarizing the most visible streams of Mexican music along the last century. Special attention is paid to the intellectual and idiosyncratic components which are considered as elements of authenticity in Mexican culture.
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In Aztec mythology and religion, Xipe Totec ("our lord the flayed one") was a life-death-rebirth deity, god of agriculture, vegetation, the east, disease, spring, goldsmiths, silversmiths and the seasons. The music used for his worship has been described by a diversity of documents (carved stones, depicted codices, and chronicles made by the first European friars arrived to Mexico). This article explores the symbolic content of these descriptions, especially in association with Xochipilli Macuilxochitl, master of music and poetry.
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Lecture about the teponaztli (a specific type of slit drum), traditionally used by the Aztec (or Mexica) people, and its associated repertoire. Special attention is paid to the usage of this instrument in the Cantares Mexicanos (a song compilation from the 16th century) accompaniment.
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This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -
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This contribution deals with social and political aspects affecting cultural life in Jalisco (Mexico), during the last forty years. It is, especially, a critical view on the regional deterioration of experimental music, analysing ethnic, religion, gender and other social components in one of the culturally foremost states of Mexico.
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Resumen: El presente artículo tiene por objeto analizar las relaciones que se establecieron entre un grupo de intelectuales de izquierda y el presidente radical Raúl Alfonsín durante la transición democrática en la Argentina. Se describirán en primer lugar los desplazamientos teóricos de la izquierda intelectual marcados por el exilio mexicano; en segundo lugar, las características del campo cultural en la transición democrática en los ochenta, centrándose en la producción de los intelectuales vinculados con la revista Punto de Vista y el Club de Cultura Socialista y, por último, los vínculos que se establecieron entre el presidente Alfonsín y los intelectuales de la izquierda renovada, analizando los dilemas ético-políticos que debieron enfrentar. La construcción de sentido en torno a un personaje político, en el que los intelectuales veían la posibilidad de que se convirtiera en un moderno líder socialdemócrata, es la hipótesis a partir de la cual intenta explicarse la vinculación, siguiendo las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu.
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Resumen: Miguel de Unamuno tenía gran interés por y hacia los temas de América, sobre todo de la América hispánica. El objetivo de este artículo es refl exionar sobre la recepción y la acogida que dio a la literatura hispanoamericana coetánea, sobre cómo se aproximó a la obra de los escritores americanos, especialmente los argentinos. A través de un análisis crítico, se profundizará en esta relación considerando que América estuvo presente en su refl exión y su preocupación. Asimismo, se tratarán brevemente las colaboraciones literarias del escritor vasco en La Nación y otras revistas americanas para demostrar su interés respecto a la temática.
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Resumen: Un fortuito hallazgo del libreto manuscrito de la ópera El grito de Dolores, de Ramón Vega, compositor mexicano del siglo XIX, protagonizado por esta autora, desencadenó una serie de preguntas que hasta el presente no han sido respondidas a cabalidad por los estudios dedicados a la historia de la música en México. La investigación desarrollada con el propósito de situar el manuscrito encontrado en el contexto social y cultural del siglo de la Independencia y la exhaustiva pesquisa realizada en diferentes archivos históricos fructificaron en el descubrimiento de un vasto corpus de fuentes documentales actualmente desconocidas. La información que arrojó el análisis de estos documentos completó el conocimiento existente sobre la vida de Ramón Vega, permitió enderezar algunas ideas falibles en torno a su producción operística, así como construir y sustentar la hipótesis de que El grito de Dolores puede calificarse como el primer intento de creación de una ópera mexicana “enteramente nacional”.