760 resultados para Civil society -- International cooperation


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This thesis examines how multilateral institutions can contribute to democratization and regional stability. It is a case study of the Central European Initiative (CEI), a regional intergovernmental organization founded by Italy and Austria in 1989 to undertake a regional integration process, and of its role in stabilizing post-communist democracies. Documents were collected at the CEI offices in Trieste, Italy, and interviews conducted with CEI officers, and data obtained from the websites of related organizations and of CEI member countries. The thesis probes the relevance of concepts derived from theories of international regimes and social constructivism. It shows that the CEI diffuses norms and institutional rules conducive to consolidating democracies, including the development of a free civil society, a relatively autonomous political society, rule of law, state bureaucracies that are usable by the new democratic governments, and functioning free market economies, addition, and fosters habits of dialogue, socializes participants, and supports the creation of supra-national identities.

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Au Niger, le taux de mortalité maternelle est estimé à 535 décès pour 100 000 naissances vivantes (INS, 2013) et la probabilité pour un nouveau-né de mourir avant l’âge d’un mois est de 33 ‰. Depuis 2006, le Niger a mis en place une politique de gratuité des soins pour les femmes enceintes et les enfants de 0 à 5 ans, ce qui a contribué à une amélioration significative de la fréquentation des centres de santé. En mars 2012, un processus délibératif fut organisé pendant une conférence de trois jours pour échanger sur les acquis, limites et perspectives de cette nouvelle politique avec 160 participants dont des chercheurs, des humanitaires, des décideurs politiques et des intervenants sur le terrain. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre les effets de cette conférence ainsi que d’explorer les activités du comité de suivi de la feuille de route. La recherche a été réalisée durant deux mois en été 2014 à Niamey et à N’guiguimi. Elle a reposé sur l’utilisation du cadre conceptuel de Boyko et al., (2012) qui permet de décrire les principales caractéristiques et les effets attendus des dialogues délibératifs et comprendre comment les dialogues délibératifs peuvent contribuer à l’élaboration de politiques sur la base de données probantes. Nous avons mis un accent particulier sur les trois formes d’utilisation des connaissances présentées par Dagenais et al., (2013) : instrumentale, conceptuelle et persuasive. Des entretiens semi-directifs ont été effectués avec 22 acteurs impliqués dans la mise en oeuvre des recommandations. Ils ont été enregistrés, retranscrits intégralement et traités avec le logiciel QDA Miner. Les résultats de l’analyse des discours recueillis révèlent une utilisation instrumentale des recommandations et plus visible chez les humanitaires que les décideurs et les acteurs de la société civile. Il ressort aussi de cette analyse une utilisation conceptuelle et persuasive des recommandations à un degré plus faible parmi tous les acteurs. Le comité de suivi de la feuille route de la conférence n’a pratiquement pas fonctionné, par conséquent, le processus n’a pas eu l’impact souhaité. Les principales raisons de cet échec sont liées au contexte de mise en oeuvre des recommandations (arrestation de plusieurs agents du ministère de la Santé publique qui sont des membres clés du comité de suivi à cause du détournement des fonds GAVI, manque de volonté technique et politique) et/ou aux conditions financières (absence de primes pour les membres du comité et de budget de fonctionnement.). Les iv résultats obtenus ont permis de comprendre les énormes défis (contextuels, financiers notamment) qui restent à relever en matière de transfert de connaissance dans le secteur de santé publique au Niger. En ce qui concerne la suite de la conférence, il faudrait accélérer la redynamisation du comité de suivi en le dotant d’un fonds de fonctionnement et en créant une agence autonome de gestion de la gratuité des soins; et renforcer le soutien politique autour de l’Initiative Santé Solidarité Sahel.

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Abstract This thesis examines one of the most sensitive challenges facing contemporary democracies: the accommodation of Muslim minorities in public institutions and services. It focuses on the field of education, and on two particular issues: the public funding of Islamic schools and the accommodation of Muslim needs in public secular schools. The analysis is based on an examination of outcomes in four jurisdictions that differ significantly in the level of accommodation that has emerged: England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. I seek to explain why such variation in outcomes exists among these four cases. I draw on four bodies of literature to underpin the theoretical framework: historical institutionalism, political mobilization by civil society, political parties, and ideationalism. My argument can be summarized simply; historic church-state settlements, unique in each case, are the most important factor explaining the variation in outcomes in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. In some cases, the historic church-state template is incrementally adapted to accommodate Muslim minorities. In other cases, relatively little accommodation occurs and the path-dependent trajectory of church-state relations remains entrenched. While the historic church-state template is a necessary factor in the explanation, it does not fully account for the variation. For a more complete picture, I demonstrate that there are several additional key factors that also shape the outcomes: first, national identity and public attitudes towards immigration and immigrants; second, the extent of mobilization by political agents, such as civil society organizations and historic churches; and third, the response of political parties to demands by Muslims for institutional accommodation. Ultimately, I conclude that Muslims in these jurisdictions are receiving some accommodation, but the process is slow and partial. This thesis makes important theoretical and empirical contributions to the discussion of Muslim integration in liberal democratic states. First, a framework has yet to be developed that considers the theoretical implications of institutional accommodation of Muslims; I address this gap. Second, this research demonstrates the utility of historical institutionalism in explaining the adaptation of church-state templates to accommodate Muslims’ demands. Last, this study makes an original contribution by comparing the cases of England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec in the accommodation of Muslims in education. A comparison of Canada with the United Kingdom has not yet been done.  

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According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

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In this article, as part of the Erasmus+ project “Divercity”, we focus on the collection and analysis of good practices in Spain and other countries in Europe. The project revolves around the development of methods that valorize cultural diversity and in this respect, identifying and sharing best practices on diversity and inclusion through artistic mediation inside museums, culture institutions, our urban walks, forms an mandatory stage of the research process.

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This article reviews the historical literature on slave self-activity during the US Civil War, taking account of recent developments in historiography. Attempting to move beyond the debate between those who argue for 'slave self-emancipation' and others who emphasize the role of high politics, this article suggests that while slaves played a central role in re-directing the war into an assault on slavery, there were severe constraints on their activity as well. Northern military advances played a critical role in opening up the Confederate South to slave self-assertion.

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Le principe de coopération est considéré depuis longtemps comme l’une des pierres angulaires du droit international, toutefois, l’existence d’une obligation de coopérer en droit international reste encore controversée. Les ressources en eau, à cause de leur fluidité et de leurs multiples usages, démontrent toujours l’interdépendance humaine. En matière de cours d’eau transfrontaliers, la Convention de New York inclut explicitement dans son texte l’obligation générale de coopérer comme l’un de ses trois principes fondamentaux. Il nous incombe alors de voir quelle obligation de coopérer les États souverains s’imposent dans leurs pratiques ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous procédons tout d’abord à une étude positiviste du contenu normatif de l’obligation de coopérer. Nous constatons que l’incorporation de la notion de l’obligation de coopérer dans le principe de la souveraineté est une tendance manifeste du droit international qui a évolué du droit de coexistence composé principalement des règles d’abstention, au droit de coopération qui comporte essentiellement des obligations positives de facere, dont la plus représentative est l’obligation de coopérer. Néanmoins, il n’existe pas de modèle unique d’application pour tous les États, chaque bassin disposant de son propre régime coopératif. Pour mesurer l’ampleur des régimes coopératifs, nous étudions cinq paramètres : le champ d’application, les règles substantielles, les règles procédurales, les arrangements institutionnels et le règlement des différends. Quatres modèles de coopération ressortent : le mécanisme consultatif (l’Indus), le mécanisme communicateur (le Mékong), le mécanisme de coordination (le Rhin) et le mécanisme d’action conjointe (le fleuve Sénégal). Pour ce qui est de la Chine, il s’agit de l’État d’amont en voie de développement le plus important dans le monde qui a longtemps été critiqué pour son approche unilatérale dans le développement des eaux transfrontières. Nous ne pouvons pas cependant passer sous silence les pratiques de coopération qu’elle a développées avec ses voisins. Quelle est son interprétation de cette obligation générale de coopérer ? Notre étude des pratiques de la Chine nous aide, en prenant du recul, à mieux comprendre tous les aspects de cette obligation de coopérer en droit international. Afin d’expliquer les raisons qui se cachent derrière son choix de mode de coopération, nous introduisons une analyse constructiviste qui est plus explicative que descriptive. Nous soutenons que ce sont les identités de la Chine qui ont déterminé son choix de coopération en matière de cours d’eau transfrontaliers. Notre étude en vient à la conclusion que même s’il y a des règles généralement reconnues, l’obligation de coopérer reste une règle émergente en droit international coutumier. Ses modes d’application sont en réalité une construction sociale qui évolue et qui peut varier énormément selon les facteurs culturels, historiques ou économiques des États riverains, en d’autres mots, selon les identités de ces États. La Chine est un État d’amont en voie de développement qui continue à insister sur le principe de la souveraineté. Par conséquent, elle opte pour son propre mécanisme consultatif de coopération pour l’utilisation des ressources en eau transfrontalières. Néanmoins, avec l’évolution de ses identités en tant que superpuissance émergente, nous pouvons probablement espérer qu’au lieu de rechercher un pouvoir hégémonique et d’appliquer une stratégie unilatérale sur l’utilisation des ressources en eau transfrontalières, la Chine adoptera une stratégie plus coopérative et plus participative dans l’avenir.

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Com a crise financeira que se tem vindo a agudizar, com o agravamento da pobreza e exclusão social, associados a problemas de saúde e à emergência de problemas sociais (como o desemprego e a pobreza) tem assomado uma vaga de iniciativas de movimentos da sociedade civil. São novas formas de organização e resposta a situações específicas de grupos de indivíduos na luta por políticas públicas e direitos sociais tais como o da saúde, da habitação, da educação, do trabalho, entre outras. Nos finais da década de 70, em Portugal, a criação do Serviço Nacional de Saúde intenta o acesso à saúde garantido a todos os cidadãos. Nos anos 80 o Estado limita este direito baseado no princípio da justiça social protegendo os grupos mais desfavorecidos. Institui as taxas moderadoras e define as isenções para alguns doentes crónicos. Perante a desigualdade de direitos que daí advém, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, a partir dos anos 90, surgem movimentos associativos em prol dos direitos de saúde, criados e dinamizados por Assistentes Sociais, nomeadamente as Associações Acreditar em 1993, a Coração Feliz em 1994, a Associação Nacional de Fibrose Quística em 1996 e já no século XXI a Diabéticos Todo o Terreno em 2004 e a Hepaturix em 2006. A Hepaturix – Associação de Crianças e Jovens Transplantados ou com Doenças Hepáticas – fundada já no século XXI e cuja actividade será descrita neste trabalho, tem vindo a lutar pelos direitos sociais desta população, com a colaboração da Assistente Social que, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, apoia a Unidade de Transplantação Hepática Pediátrica. Entre outros, a isenção das taxas moderadoras para os doentes transplantados e para os dadores vivos assim como o direito aos transportes nas deslocações para o hospital após o transplante, são direitos sociais alcançados pela Hepaturix através da sensibilização do poder político. A Assistente Social tem sido um pilar neste percurso, sendo mediadora entre a instituição e a associação, em prol do direito destas crianças e jovens. / With the financial crisis that has been worsening, with increased poverty and social exclusion associated with health problems and the emergency of social problems (such as unemployment and poverty) there has been a loomed wave of initiatives for movements from the civil society. These are new ways of organization and response to specific situations of groups of individuals in the strike for public policies and social rights such as health, habitation, education, work, among others. In the late 70s, in Portugal, the creation of the National Health Service intents the access to health care guaranteed to all citizens. In the 80s the government limits this right based on the principle of social justice, protecting the most disadvantaged groups. Establishes user fees and defines the exemptions for some chronically ill. Before the inequality of rights resulted from this, there has been a rising of associative movements for health rights, created and dynamized by Social Workers at the Pediatric Hospital of Coimbra, from the 90s on: "Acreditar" in 1993, "Coração Feliz" in 1994, Associação Nacional da Fibrose Quistica" in 1996 and now, in the XXI century: "Diabéticos Todo o Terreno"in 2004 and "Hepaturix" in 2006. The “Hepaturix” - Association of Transplanted Children and Youth or with Hepatic Diseases - founded in the twenty-first century, whose will be discussed in this work, has been fighting for social rights of this population, with the cooperation of the Social Work who, at the Children’s Hospital of Coimbra, supports the Pediatric Hepatic Transplantation Unit. Among others, the exemption of user fees for transplanted patients and living donors as well as the right to transport at dislocations to the hospital after transplant, are social rights accomplished by Hepaturix, through the awareness of political power. The Social Worker has been a pillar in this journey, being a mediator between the institution and the association on behalf of the rights of these children and youth.

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There is increasing advocacy for inclusive community-based approaches to environmental management, and growing evidence that involving communities improves the sustainability of social-ecological systems. Most community-based approaches rely on partnerships and knowledge exchange between communities, civil society organizations, and professionals such as practitioners and/or scientists. However, few models have actively integrated more horizontal knowledge exchange from community to community. We reflect on the transferability of community owned solutions between indigenous communities by exploring challenges and achievements of community peer-to-peer knowledge exchange as a way of empowering communities to face up to local environmental and social challenges. Using participatory visual methods, indigenous communities of the North Rupununi (Guyana) identified and documented their community owned solutions through films and photostories. Indigenous researchers from this community then shared their solutions with six other communities that faced similar challenges within Guyana, Suriname, Venezuela, Colombia, French Guiana, and Brazil. They were supported by in-country civil society organizations and academics. We analyzed the impact of the knowledge exchange through interviews, field reports, and observations. Our results show that indigenous community members were significantly more receptive to solutions emerging from, and communicated by, other indigenous peoples, and that this approach was a significant motivating force for galvanizing communities to make changes in their community. We identified a range of enabling factors, such as building capacity for a shared conceptual and technical understanding, that strengthens the exchange between communities and contributes to a lasting impact. With national and international policy-makers mobilizing significant financial resources for biodiversity conservation and climate change mitigation, we argue that the promotion of community owned solutions through community peer-to-peer exchange may deliver more long-lasting, socially and ecologically integrated, and investment-effective strategies compared to top-down, expert led, and/or foreign-led initiatives.

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Widespread flooding in June 2013 caused damage costs of €6 to 8 billion in Germany, and awoke many memories of the floods in August 2002, which resulted in total damage of €11.6 billion and hence was the most expensive natural hazard event in Germany up to now. The event of 2002 does, however, also mark a reorientation toward an integrated flood risk management system in Germany. Therefore, the flood of 2013 offered the opportunity to review how the measures that politics, administration, and civil society have implemented since 2002 helped to cope with the flood and what still needs to be done to achieve effective and more integrated flood risk management. The review highlights considerable improvements on many levels, in particular (1) an increased consideration of flood hazards in spatial planning and urban development, (2) comprehensive property-level mitigation and preparedness measures, (3) more effective flood warnings and improved coordination of disaster response, and (4) a more targeted maintenance of flood defense systems. In 2013, this led to more effective flood management and to a reduction of damage. Nevertheless, important aspects remain unclear and need to be clarified. This particularly holds for balanced and coordinated strategies for reducing and overcoming the impacts of flooding in large catchments, cross-border and interdisciplinary cooperation, the role of the general public in the different phases of flood risk management, as well as a transparent risk transfer system. Recurring flood events reveal that flood risk management is a continuous task. Hence, risk drivers, such as climate change, land-use changes, economic developments, or demographic change and the resultant risks must be investigated at regular intervals, and risk reduction strategies and processes must be reassessed as well as adapted and implemented in a dialogue with all stakeholders.

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I explore transformative social innovation in agriculture through a particular case of agroecological innovation, the System of Rice Intensification (SRI) in India. Insights from social innovation theory that emphasize the roles of social movements and the reengagement of vulnerable populations in societal transformation can help reinstate the missing “social” dimension in current discourses on innovation in India. India has a rich and vibrant tradition of social innovation wherein vulnerable communities have engaged in collective experimentation. This is often missed in official or formal accounts. Social innovations such as SRI can help recreate these possibilities for change from outside the mainstream due to newer opportunities that networks present in the twenty-first century. I show how local and international networks led by Civil Society Organizations have reinterpreted and reconstructed game-changing macrotrends in agriculture. This has enabled the articulation and translation of an alternative paradigm for sustainable transitions within agriculture from outside formal research channels. These social innovations, however, encounter stiff opposition from established actors in agricultural research systems. Newer heterogeneous networks, as witnessed in SRI, provide opportunities for researchers within hierarchical research systems to explore, experiment, and create newer norms of engagement with Civil Society Organizations and farmers. I emphasize valuing and embedding diversity of practices and institutions at an early stage to enable systems to be more resilient and adaptable in sustainable transitions.

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O ser Humano, desde sempre tem tentado estabelecer relações entre si, o tempo e o clima, de modo a melhorar as suas condições de vida. Atualmente existem questões problema que ameaçam a humanidade, nomeadamente as alterações climáticas e o aquecimento global com vista à promoção de um Desenvolvimento Sustentável. À educação é atribuída extrema importância no desenvolvimento de uma adequada perceção da situação do planeta. Este facto levou as Nações Unidas a proclamarem, no início deste século (dezembro de 2002), a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Um desafio internacional lançado aos países para que recorram à educação como ferramenta essencial na promoção do Desenvolvimento Sustentável. A vida nas sociedades contemporâneas é extremamente influenciada pelos desenvolvimentos científicos e tecnológicos, dependendo dos seus respetivos progressos. Como tal, a Educação Científica assume um papel fundamental na compreensão das problemáticas que o ser Humano enfrenta, assim como na sua própria consciencialização da responsabilidade na situação planetária atual. Devendo promover o desenvolvimento de cidadanias proactivas, fundamentadas e responsáveis, no sentido da mudança, numa perspetiva crítica global que garanta a sustentabilidade do planeta. Estes factos são alvo de reflexão por parte de diversas instâncias da sociedade tais como a UNESCO, comunidades nacionais e internacionais de investigação em Educação Científica, e o poder político que se espelham em propostas de reforma e de revisão curricular em diversos países. Neste contexto, a Escola, como instituição formal de Educação, toma o papel primordial de promover o Desenvolvimento Sustentável através da aquisição de conhecimentos, atitudes, valores e competências que permitam desenvolver nos alunos uma consciencialização ecológica e uma literacia científica. Com este propósito em mente surge a questão investigativa deste estudo “Como Abordar o Tempo Atmosférico numa Perspetiva CTS Através do Ensino Por Pesquisa?”. Assim, usando o laboratório mais acessível e gratuito, a Atmosfera, e recursos facilmente acessíveis para desenvolver atividades simples é apresentada uma proposta de abordagem em sala de aula para a temática “Tempo Atmosférico” em particular a “Previsão e Descrição do Tempo Atmosférico”. A Atmosfera é um fascinante laboratório de ensino, porque nela se podem estudar alguns processos físicos lecionados ao longo dos mais variados níveis de ensino nas disciplinas de Física, Química e Geografia. Na Atmosfera, podem realizar-se diversos estudos simples, que de uma forma fácil respondem a inquietantes questões relacionadas com a Previsão e Descrição do Tempo Atmosférico. Neste estudo foi desenvolvida e usada uma metodologia para construir e interpretar mapas de tempo permitindo a alunos do 3º Ciclo do Ensino Básico fazer a Previsão e Descrição do Tempo Atmosférico. Após a aplicação da estratégia para o desenvolvimento de capacidades, de criatividade, envolvimento, cidadania e de pensamento crítico, os alunos responderam a um questionário. Através do tratamento dos dados obtidos pode-se considerar que em média 97% dos alunos consideram importante ou muito importante o estudo desta temática e que tem influência no seu dia-a-dia. Verificou-se que em média, se passou de 26% de respostas cientificamente corretas ou parcialmente corretas para 83% de respostas cientificamente corretas ou parcialmente corretas, o que demostra que a estratégia proposta atingiu os seus propósitos que passavam por dinamizar e fomentar uma cultura meteorológica nas escolas e para as escolas. Salienta-se a importância da possibilidade do trabalho em rede e das suas potencialidades na motivação dos alunos dada a oportunidade de fazer diagnóstico do tempo atmosférico local e inter-regiões. Os alunos consultaram e interpretaram mapas de tempo atmosférico, usaram a Internet e compreendam a relação e a influência entre diferentes parâmetros meteorológicos. Os resultados obtidos neste estudo permitem afirmar que os alunos desenvolveram competências numa área que é uma preocupação de cada um, o diagnóstico do tempo atmosférico. Cresceu neles uma cultura meteorológica e as aprendizagens nesta temática podem transbordar para colegas, amigos, pais e toda a comunidade escolar. Assim pode considerar-se que a estratégia implementada foi promotora de mudança, de aquisição de conhecimentos e do desenvolvimento de competências numa temática tão aliciante que envolve o Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Considera-se ainda que a estratégia usada neste estudo é motivadora, aliada à dinâmica CTS e ao Ensino Por Pesquisa, com vista a ser utilizada em contexto de sala de aula. Este estudo é uma forte contribuição para o Ensino das Ciências em especial no ensino da temática Tempo Atmosférico e é uma ferramenta importante que pode e deve ser utilizada em contexto escolar pois está escrito de modo a ser consultado por profissionais de ensino, nomeadamente pelos professores de Física, Química e de Geografia de modo a promoverem o desenvolvimento de competências de literacia científica e de cidadania e contribuir para a formação de futuros cidadãos ativos e conscientes defensores da Sustentabilidade da Terra.

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Similar to other developing countries Brazil’s position on climate change emphasises national sovereignty and the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities”. However, in recent years Brasilia has also announced voluntary reductions in carbon emissions, making Brazil one of the leading emerging countries in its approach to climate change, while enhancing its international reputation and legitimacy. Compared to its neighbours Brazil has older and more developed domestic environmental institutions and movements. Yet, Brazil’s global leadership on climate change does not translate into a similar role in regional environmental governance. In the 2000s Argentina and Uruguay became embroiled in a bitter environmental conflict involving a shared natural resource, the Uruguay River. Brazil not only refused to mediate, but also kept it out of regional forums insisting on the conflict’s bilateral nature. Furthermore, Mercosur’s environmental agenda has progressively become eroded while Brazilian-led Unasur lacks an institutional framework dedicated to environmental concerns. This indicates that environmental concerns are far more important for Brazil’s global image than for its role as a regional leader. It also highlights the limited scope of the climate change negotiations which focus narrowly on reducing carbon emissions, without taking wider concerns over energy generation or environmental and social justice into account. Brazil has promoted hydropower generation, portrayed as “clean” energy. Yet, these projects have sparked strong domestic and regional civil society opposition due to their social and environmental costs which make it difficult for Brazil to claim a regional leadership role on environmental concerns.

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Au Niger, le taux de mortalité maternelle est estimé à 535 décès pour 100 000 naissances vivantes (INS, 2013) et la probabilité pour un nouveau-né de mourir avant l’âge d’un mois est de 33 ‰. Depuis 2006, le Niger a mis en place une politique de gratuité des soins pour les femmes enceintes et les enfants de 0 à 5 ans, ce qui a contribué à une amélioration significative de la fréquentation des centres de santé. En mars 2012, un processus délibératif fut organisé pendant une conférence de trois jours pour échanger sur les acquis, limites et perspectives de cette nouvelle politique avec 160 participants dont des chercheurs, des humanitaires, des décideurs politiques et des intervenants sur le terrain. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre les effets de cette conférence ainsi que d’explorer les activités du comité de suivi de la feuille de route. La recherche a été réalisée durant deux mois en été 2014 à Niamey et à N’guiguimi. Elle a reposé sur l’utilisation du cadre conceptuel de Boyko et al., (2012) qui permet de décrire les principales caractéristiques et les effets attendus des dialogues délibératifs et comprendre comment les dialogues délibératifs peuvent contribuer à l’élaboration de politiques sur la base de données probantes. Nous avons mis un accent particulier sur les trois formes d’utilisation des connaissances présentées par Dagenais et al., (2013) : instrumentale, conceptuelle et persuasive. Des entretiens semi-directifs ont été effectués avec 22 acteurs impliqués dans la mise en oeuvre des recommandations. Ils ont été enregistrés, retranscrits intégralement et traités avec le logiciel QDA Miner. Les résultats de l’analyse des discours recueillis révèlent une utilisation instrumentale des recommandations et plus visible chez les humanitaires que les décideurs et les acteurs de la société civile. Il ressort aussi de cette analyse une utilisation conceptuelle et persuasive des recommandations à un degré plus faible parmi tous les acteurs. Le comité de suivi de la feuille route de la conférence n’a pratiquement pas fonctionné, par conséquent, le processus n’a pas eu l’impact souhaité. Les principales raisons de cet échec sont liées au contexte de mise en oeuvre des recommandations (arrestation de plusieurs agents du ministère de la Santé publique qui sont des membres clés du comité de suivi à cause du détournement des fonds GAVI, manque de volonté technique et politique) et/ou aux conditions financières (absence de primes pour les membres du comité et de budget de fonctionnement.). Les iv résultats obtenus ont permis de comprendre les énormes défis (contextuels, financiers notamment) qui restent à relever en matière de transfert de connaissance dans le secteur de santé publique au Niger. En ce qui concerne la suite de la conférence, il faudrait accélérer la redynamisation du comité de suivi en le dotant d’un fonds de fonctionnement et en créant une agence autonome de gestion de la gratuité des soins; et renforcer le soutien politique autour de l’Initiative Santé Solidarité Sahel.