Hacer… hablar; hablar… tal vez habitar. Apuntes sobre lo dicho y hecho por Adolf Loos (1870-1933)

Ornamento y delito y Arquitectura, los dos artículos que sin duda han contribuido a difundir el ideario y a sustentar la celebridad del arquitecto Adolf Loos (1870-1933), proceden de sendas conferencias. Su origen, por consiguiente, es de naturaleza oral. Y la polémica desencadenada a raíz de ellos los convierte, en su época y para la Historia, en auténticos oráculos, cuyo sentido sus transcripciones, tanto francesa como alemana, inevitablemente en parte desvirtúan. Solo cotejando lo dicho por el maestro, y luego escrito y publicado, con su obra edificada podemos restituir el sentido original de su pensamiento. Esta es la hipótesis sobre la que discurrimos. A sus palabras y obras habrá que sumar la atención que el arquitecto y periodista, que así se confiesa, confiere a los oficios y a los materiales que los sustentan, en la línea de pensamiento de Gottfried Semper, como fundamento del diseño. Es pues a la luz de su concurrencia a la obra de arquitectura, y de ésta al espacio de habitación, y no de otros documentos gráficos y fotográficos, como ha de valorarse lo dicho y escrito por Loos, si nos atenemos a sus propias recomendaciones. Lo dicho se ilumina con lo hecho. Y lo hecho se autoriza por lo habitado.

Reto educativo : la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en los libros de texto : contrastes y semejanzas entre los manuales empleados en Castelo Branco, Portugal y Michoacán, México

El objetivo de este artículo es presentar los resultados del análisis de un conjunto de libros de texto con la finalidad de averiguar si las imágenes en ellos contenidas promueven los principios de igualdad y equidad de género. La muestra tomada para el estudio se compone de un total de seis manuales del curso escolar 2010/2011, tres de Michoacán, México, y tres de Castelo Branco, Portugal, correspondientes a las asignaturas de ciencias, lengua y geografía. Se utilizaron estratégias metodológicas mixtas, debido a que el empleo de métodos de corte cuantitativo y de corte cualitativo nos ofrece la posibilidad de elaborar un análisis que, además de contrastar los datos obtenidos, profundiza sobre la temática abordada. Los resultados obtenidos indican que los y las adolescentes no disponen, en los manuales examinados, de referentes suficientes que les permitan romper/ deconstruir los estereotipos de género tradicionalmente atribuidos a uno y otro sexo. Tanto las ilustraciones como el contenido de las mismas muestran mayoritariamente a mujeres desempeñando papeles psicosociales relacionados con el cuidado de los otros/as, mientras que los hombres aparecen casi siempre realizando trabajos remunerados y de prestigio (científicos, gobernantes). En las conclusiones de este artículo se cuestiona la presencia del sexismo en los libros de texto, con la intención de incorporar la perspectiva de género a los manuales didácticos, lo que permitiría transmitir al alumnado patrones de comportamiento y modelos que se ajusten a una realidad social regida por la igualdad y la justicia.

L'évolution des voix/voies de femmes dans leurs écrits sur l'Église aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles

Feminist movements have allowed many female authors to become decisive and influential figures in literary history by studying their experiences, voices and forms of resistance. This thesis, however, focuses specifically on religious women, those seeking divine comfort outside the confines of institutional laws, or those who, out of protest, are caught in the middle. Founded on historical and feminist perspectives, this study examines the heterodox resistance of six French women living within or outside of Church boundaries during the 17th and 18th centuries: two eras that are particularly significant for women’s progress and modernity. This work strives to demonstrate how these women, doubly subjected to Church discourse and that of society, managed to live out their vocation (female and Christian) and make social, cultural and religious statements that contributed to changing the place of women in society. It aims to grasp the similarities and differences between the actions and ideas of women belonging to both the religious and secular spheres. Regardless of the century, the space and their background, women resist to masculine, patriarchal, ecclesial, political and social mediation and institutions. In locating examples of how they oppose the practices, rules and constraints that are imposed upon them, as well as of their exclusion from the socio-political space, this thesis also seeks to identify epistemological changes that mark the transition from the 17th to the 18th century. This thesis firstly outlines the necessary feminist theory upon which the project is based before identifying the evolution of women’s positions within the socio-ideological and political framework in which they lived. The questions of confession and spiritual direction are of particular interest since they serve as prime examples of masculine mediation and its issues and consequences – most notably the control of the female body and mind. The illustration of bodily metamorphoses bear testament to ideological changes, cultural awareness and female subjectivity, just as the scriptural inscriptions of unorthodox ideas and writing. The female body, both object and subject of the quest for individual and collective liberties, attests, in this way, to the movement towards Enlightenment values of freedom and justice.

A ação direta da vítima contra a seguradora nos seguros facultativos de responsabilidade civil na dogmática brasileira

A investigação parte do surgimento histórico do contrato de seguro, abordando em sequencia sua teoria geral e a dogmática brasileira pertinente para, após, traçar os contornos específicos do contrato de seguro de responsabilidade civil, tanto pelo viés doutrinário quanto da legislação vigente no Brasil, dando ênfase maior ao seu conceito e finalidade social, às peculiaridades de seu sinistro, assim como à pluralidade de interesses nele albergado, afastando-se a ideia de se tratar de um seguro de reembolso, e adotando-se sua conceituação como de um seguro de garantia. Após, são fixados os conceitos básicos de processo civil aplicáveis ao objeto do estudo: jurisdição, processo, ação e seus elementos, para somente então expor o surgimento e desenvolvimento teórico da ação direta da vítima contra a seguradora na doutrina e jurisprudência francesas, passando pelas fases exegética, legalista e doutrinária de sua análise. Com base neste desenvolvimento histórico, adota-se concepção da ação direta da vítima contra a seguradora como instituto jurídico de conformação própria, oriundo dos princípios de equidade e justiça, e destinado ao afastamento dos princípios gerais de direito civil da relatividade contratual e da igualdade entre credores, constituindo meio de exercício do direito próprio da vítima contra a seguradora do causador do dano. Delimitados os conceitos em estudo, são expostas algumas experiências estrangeiras acerca do uso da ação direta e, partindo-se do embasamento teórico do seguro de responsabilidade civil e da ação direta da vítima por este protegida, ingressa-se na análise de seu desenvolvimento na dogmática brasileira. Para tanto, volta-se à ideia do seguro de responsabilidade civil como seguro de reembolso, e aos argumentos dela decorrentes para afastar o cabimento da ação direta, tais como o princípio da relatividade contratual, a ausência de previsão de solidariedade entre segurado e seguradora, e as dificuldades de exercício da ação e também de defesa por parte da seguradora e do segurado. Expostos e criticados os argumentos contrários ao cabimento da ação direta, passa-se ao estudo das tentativas doutrinárias e jurisprudenciais, no direito brasileiro, de se fornecer à vítima um meio de exercício de sua ação contra a seguradora, inicialmente por instrumentos de processo civil, e terminando por se reconhecer a possibilidade de acionamento conjunto de segurado e seguradora pelo Superior Tribunal de Justiça na sua Súmula 529. Por último, são tratados os argumentos doutrinários e legislativos favoráveis ao cabimento da ação direta da vítima contra a seguradora em qualquer seguro de responsabilidade civil, com e sem a participação inicial do segurado no processo, com destaque à função social do contrato de seguro de responsabilidade civil facultativo e ao direito próprio da vítima perante a seguradora. Conclui-se, assim, que a ação direta da vítima contra a seguradora, em qualquer seguro de responsabilidade civil, é instrumento apto e cabível na dogmática brasileira para dar vazão aos preceitos de equidade e justiça, despersonalizando a responsabilidade civil, ao levar seu foco da imputação para a indenidade, respeitando ao duplo interesse do moderno contrato de seguro de responsabilidade civil, e solucionando pela via mais apta e simples situação complexa.

EU enlargement to the Balkans: will the leopard change its spots? EPC Commentary, 29 September 2014

As the leadership of the European Union hands over the baton to a new management this autumn, will the winds of change blow also through the cobwebs of the EU’s enlargement agenda? Jean-Claude Juncker – the incoming President of the European Commission – has already promised to put the gearbox of further EU widening in neutral for the next five years of his mandate, and has designated the Austrian Johannes Hahn as Commissioner for the re-baptised portfolio of now European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, instructing him to focus on the Union’s political and economic ties with Southern and Eastern Europe, and in particular with the Balkans. Such an approach in the field of enlargement – once crowned the jewel of EU foreign policy – has all the appeal of a damp rag but does not necessarily depart from the festina lente strategy of the recent past. Inside the Union, political appetite and public support for expansion have been fizzling since Bulgaria and Romania joined in 2007, and were then severely curbed in the context of the on-going crisis by growing fears of importing organised crime and migrants from the Balkans. Juncker’s logic of consolidation sounds depressingly similar to what it supposedly replaces and incidentally, it also fits neatly with the unambitious and inward-looking mantra favoured at present in discussions at all levels on the future of European integration, more generally. With the 28-member block determined to catch its breath in the immediate time period, and given that even the forerunner countries in the Balkans – that is, Montenegro and Serbia – will realistically need more than five years to complete their accession talks, what priorities should guide Commissioner Hahn, soon to be Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations – when they get down to business on 1 November?

The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

The Kremlin plays the immigration card. OSW Commentary No. 112, 2013-08-19

Russia is currently the world’s second most popular destination country for international migrants (second only to the United States). In recent years, Russia’s relatively high economic growth has attracted foreign workers from poorer neighbouring republics in Central Asia, as well as from Ukraine and Belarus. In the absence of a consistent immigration policy, the largescale influx of immigrants has become a major issue affecting social relations in Russia. The majority of Russians oppose the arrival of both foreign workers and internal migrants from Russia’s North Caucasus republics, claiming that their presence in Russia contributes to the escalation of ethnic and religious tensions, fuels organised crime and corruption, and increases competition on the labour market. As many as 70% of Russians are in favour of restricting the number of immigrants allowed into the country, calling on the government for a more stringent policy on immigration. Since the end of July the authorities have responded to these calls by carrying out a series of raids on markets and construction sites across Moscow, where most immigrants tend to find employment. The raids have led to arrests and deportations. However, these measures should not be seen as a serious attempt to deal with the problem of economic migrants in the capital, mainly because of the highly selective and staged nature of the crackdown. This, coupled with the timing of the initiative, might indicate that the raids are a part of an ongoing election campaign, particularly in the run-up to the Moscow mayoral elections scheduled for 8 September. By adopting anti-immigration rhetoric, the Kremlin is seeking both to garner support among Russian voters, who tend to be easily swayed by nationalist sentiments, and to steal the anti-immigration card from the opposition and its leader Alexei Navalny. The opposition has been calling for a clearer policy on this issue and has blamed the government for the current lack of control over migrant numbers, accusing the authorities of benefiting from the widespread corruption linked to immigration. In a broader context, the actions taken by the government are a response to the declining legitimacy of the current ruling elite. By attempting to address the immigration issue, the Kremlin is trying to restore its image as a government attentive to social problems and capable of solving them effectively.

The Second Phase of the Common European Asylum System: A Step Forward in the Protection of Asylum Seekers? IES WORKING PAPER 7/2013

The aim of this paper is to analyse what is the impact of the second phase of the creation of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) in the protection of rights of Asylum Seekers in the European Union. The establishment of a CEAS has been always a part of the development of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. Its implementation was planned in two phases: the first one, focused on the harmonisation of internal legislation on minimum common standards; the second, based on the result of an evaluation of the effectiveness of the agreed legal instruments, should improve the effectiveness of the protection granted. The five instruments adopted between 2002 and 2005, three Directives, on Qualification, Reception Conditions and Asylum Procedures, and two Regulations, the so-called “Dublin System”, were subjected to an extensive evaluation and modification, which led to the end of the recasting in 2013. The paper discusses briefly the international obligations concerning the rights of asylum seekers and continues with the presentation of the legal basis of the CEAS and its development, together with the role of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union in asylum matters. The research will then focus on the development in the protection of asylum seekers after the recasting of the legislative instruments mentioned above. The paper will note that the European standards result now improved, especially concerning the treatment of vulnerable people, the quality of the application procedure, the effectiveness of the appeal, the treatment of gender issues in decision concerning procedures and reception. However, it will be also highlighted that Member States maintained a wide margin of appreciation in many fields, which can lead to the compression of important guarantees. This margin concerns, for example, the access to free legal assistance, the definition of the material support to be granted to each applicant for international protection, the access to labour market, the application of the presumptions of the “safety” of a third country. The paper will therefore stress that the long negotiations that characterised the second phase of the CEAS undoubtedly led to some progress in the protection of Asylum Seekers in the EU. However, some provisions are still in open contrast with the international obligations concerning rights of asylum seekers, while others require to the Member State consider carefully its obligation in the choice of internal policies concerning asylum matters.

Flashlight Europe N°8 – October 2015; Deeper EU integration is in Poland’s interest

The Polish people have voted in favour of the political change: former prime minister Jaroslaw Kaczyński’s party Law and Justice (PiS) with its front-runner Beata Szydlo turned out strongest in the parliamentary elections on Sunday with almost 38 per cent of votes. The liberal Civic Platform (PO), headed by prime minister Ewa Kopacz, gained only 23.4 per cent. Why this shift to the right? And what will be the consequences for Polish politics? We asked Jacek Kucharczyk, President of the executive board of the Warsaw-based Institute of Public Affairs.

Awkward partner once again? Repercussions for Europe of Poland’s elections. EPIN Commentary No. 27, 3 November 2015

A clear majority of Poles voted to end eight years of Civic Platform (PO) government on October 25th when they brought the national-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) back to power. This outcome might be difficult to understand for Poland’s West European partners and may also confuse some EU officials who have observed developments in Poland since it joined the EU in 2004. The implications of these elections for relations with Germany and France, and for Poland’s own EU policy, are a source of concern. Do the results herald a return to the country Poland was during its early years as EU member? In this EPIN commentary the author attempts to throw light on the reasons behind the return to power of Law and Justice Party and considers the wider implications for the EU and European cohesion.

Later Stuart tracts,

Most of the tracts have special title-pages.

Graduated release.

Mode of access: Internet.

Reports by officials.

Latest issue consulted: 1908.

Pages from an old volume of life ; a collection of essays, 1857-1881,

Bread and the newspaper.--My hunt after "the captain."--The inevitable trail.--The physiology of walking.--The seasons.--The human body and it's management.--Cinders from the ashes.--Mechanism in thought and morals.--The physiology of versification.--Crime and automatism.--Jonathan Edwards.--The pulpit and the pew.

Memoirs of Monsieur Claude, chief of police under the second empire /

Oxford 739.