697 resultados para Visions.
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Este estudo analiza como Manuel Rivas aproveita a ambigüidade do concepto de estereotipo para crear una identidade cultural galega. En Unha espía no Reino de Galicia (2004), Rivas propón que a imaxe paródica do galego e o conxunto de trazos estereotipados que se lle asignan non son un elemento alleo a cultura galega, senón que é un trazo integral da dialéctica da súa identidade nacional. Desta maneira, ó feito diferencial galego, ademais da lingua, a unidade territorial, o celtismo, ou a emigración, habería que engadir a capacidade do galego de parodiar o seu propio discurso nacional.
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The present article reviews the relations between the EU and Russia in the past decade and shows the deterioration of the bilateral relations. The Putin´s Russia has become a very active geostrategic player, with a worrying behaviour, breaking balances in the international scene established since the end of the Cold War. Russia is a priority in the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Global Security Strategy, but has become also a clear competitor. This last aspect is not sufficiently underlined in the Strategy and thus the strategic framework is not clear. In parallel, it is not clear in the Strategy which are the tools the EU has to defend its neighbourhood when their independence, sovereignty or territorial defence may be put in question. This question goes beyond the support to the resilience of those neighbours.
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The challenges of a low carbon energy transition have now been recognized by most nation states, each of whom have responded with differing visions, strategies and programmes, with variable veracity and effectiveness. Given the complexity of each country’s energy system (and sub-systems such as mobility, food etc), the differing sources and wealth of indigenous energy resources, the variable legacy of the fossil fuel regime and differing capacity to respond to global shifts in energy markets, it is clear that each country will respond to this challenge in very different ways.
This poses difficulties for understanding the extent to which a transition may be taking hold in any territory as simple indicators such as GHG emission data or increases in renewable energy ignore the complex contexts in which transitions take place. Drawing on the results of a study, funded by the Irish Environmental Protection Agency (Characterizing and Catalyzing Transitions) and using the wider theoretical framework of socio-technological transitions, this paper will explore the challenges, virtues and constraints of attempting to ‘benchmark’ the Republic of Ireland’s transition. This will lead to wider observations on the normative nature of benchmarking and a critical review of how we conceptualize the very idea of transition.
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This study takes its basis in preliminary talks with stakeholders active in the development of the city center in Sandviken. Sandviken is a small town that like many other cities has experienced both economic and demographic stagnation. This is due to the great extent of external retail which affects the economics of city core negative. This study was developed through the complex of problems that show that Town Centre Managements has visions to increase the attractiveness of the city center, but lack a clear strategy of how the vision will be achieved. The study therefore aims to examine how a city center can be marketed and examine ways and beliefs that exist around the production of the city center as a meeting place. The importance of the city center to take a new role as a meeting place is demonstrated in this study's analysis where this approach proved to be a winning concept, in which important values can take place, to in turn help to satisfy the needs of today's urban centers. As a conclusion, and also presented in the discussion how marketing can go to and which actors are responsible and how a community can be created.
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The aim of this article is to forecast the present situation of citizenship formation in the field of Swedish education. In highlighting trends and tendencies in the educational assignment to provide for democratic citizenship in the first decade of the 21st century, which can be characterised as lacking collective visions for change, three depictions of citizenship are prevailing: citizenship formation for deliberation, for entrepreneurship and for therapeutic intervention. These depictions are analysed in terms of the direction for action taking and attention that they stress and produce as concerns citizenship in the making. The first one, citizenship formation for deliberation, stresses an inward-looking and inward-feeling citizenship. The second one, citizenship formation for entrepreneurship, stresses an inward-looking and outward-making citizenship, and the third one, citizenship formation for therapeutic intervention, stresses an inward-looking and outward-making citizenship. Taking on this forecast, which actualises democracy as something that is already achieved as a consequence of an assumedly post political situation, we argue that citizenship as well as society itself risks being pictured as apolitical and democratically “saturated.” This situation is hazardous, we argue, as it does not open up for change to come into question as desirable or even possible. Put differently, it leaves us with the notion that things have to be as they are, as we are living in the best of worlds.
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I den här avhandlingen är intresset riktat mot svensk utbildningspolitik och medborgarskap. I tider av globalisering, och med ett etablerat svenskt medlemskap i Europeiska unionen, har det nationella policyskapandet kring utbildningens medborgardanande funktion hamnat under ökat tryck. I studien undersöks hur detta hanteras i svensk utbildningspolitik under 1990-talet, en tid som utmärker sig genom betydande förändringar på utbildningsområdet i Sverige. Frågan är, mera precist, vilken riktning för skolans, enligt lag befästa, uppdrag att fostra demokratiska medborgare som utstakas i svensk utbildningspolitik vid denna tid. Genom att fästa vikt vid mål, visioner och motiv som formuleras i utbildningspolitiska 1990-talstexter klarläggs förståelser av medborgarskap som karaktäriserar svensk utbildningspolitik under denna tid. Även en bredare historisk analys görs, ur vilken historiska målsättningar med skolans medborgarfostran som föregår 1990-talets framträder. Studiens syfte är kritiskt. Förståelserna granskas utifrån vad de innesluter och vad de utesluter, vilka möjliga konsekvenser de kan tänkas få för olika individer och grupper i samhället, och om det finns öppningar för tänkbara alternativ. Studien visar på två historiska skiften vad gäller medborgarskapets innehåll och mening i det inhemska policyskapandet. Det första skiftet äger rum under 1990-talets tidiga del. Då bryts en etablerad samhällsbyggande medborgarroll upp, till förmån för andra mera marknadsorienterade medborgarroller. Under 1990-talets senare del, då marknadsorienteringen förstärks i neoliberal riktning, sker ett andra skifte; en historiskt vedertagen gemenskapstanke – nationen – bryts upp som grund för medborgerlig gemenskap. Denna tanke ersätts av en annan som är globaliseringsinriktad, vilken visar sig ha andra inne- och uteslutande mekanismer för olika individer och samhällsgrupper. Utifrån dessa forskningsrön tecknas avslutningsvis några konturer till ett alternativt sätt att tänka kring medborgarskap och gemenskap. Detta alternativ tar form i ambitionen att, i högre grad än vad som blir synligt i svensk utbildningspolitik, resonera kring möjligheter för ett medborgarskap bortom förhandstecknade indelningsgrunder för ett “vi”. Språk som politisk och samhällelig förändringskraft ges en central betydelse i avhandlingen. I analysen av texternas tal om skolans medborgarfostrande roll undersöks pågående politiska motsättningar när det gäller att vinna tal- och tolkningsföreträde till skolans fostransmål. Utgångarna av dessa motsättningar belyses genom tre områden för medborgarfostran som urskilts som centrala; ett politiskt, ett kulturellt samt ett ekonomi- och arbetslivsriktat. Genom dessa har rådande medborgarskapsdiskurser tagit form, ur vilka de utbildningspolitiska förståelserna av medborgarskap gestaltas och diskuteras.
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Ce mémoire prend pour objet l’étude des vues du Paris moderne par Gustave Caillebotte. Son engagement profond dans la réalité vécue le conduit vers une fascination particulière pour la reproduction de l’image urbaine. Entre 1876 et 1880, l’artiste déambule dans les rues et les boulevards en vue d’exécuter des traitements picturaux originaux et peindre des visions singulières, par rapport à sa propre production artistique de même qu’à celle de ses confrères impressionnistes. En raison des différents points de vue traités dans l’espace urbain, sa perception de la ville semble, à notre avis, évolutive. Que ce soit depuis la rue ou en hauteur, Caillebotte reproduit Paris telle qu’elle se présente devant lui ; c’est ce qui paraît le guider dans sa recherche. Si bien que notre travail consiste à démontrer qu’il est un peintre de la ville moderne. Par l’analyse de trois points de vue privilégiés (dans la rue, à la fenêtre et au balcon), remarqués à la fois dans son corpus et dans sa démarche, cette recherche veut montrer comment l’artiste perçoit l’urbanité moderne et comment il la rend. Nous observons qu’une adéquation entre les moyens plastiques modernes utilisés et l’intérêt de représenter la réalité elle-même moderne, traduit son processus créatif. Apporter des arguments au sujet de son étude des vues de ville, permet aujourd’hui de mieux cerner le travail unique de Gustave Caillebotte dans le paysage urbain.
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The central interest of this thesis is to comprehend how the public action impels the formation and transformation of the tourist destinies. The research was based on the premise that the public actions are the result of the mediation process of state and non-state actors considered important in a section, which interact aiming for prevailing their interests and world visions above the others. The case of Porto de Galinhas beach, in Pernambuco, locus of the investigation of this thesis, allowed the analysis of a multiplicity of actors on the formation and implementation of local actions toward the development of the tourism between the years 1970 and 2010, as well as permitted the comprehension of the construction of the referential on the interventions made. This thesis, of a qualitative nature, has as theoretical support the cognitive approach of analysis of the public policies developed in France, and it has as main exponents the authors Bruno Jobert and Pierre Muller. This choice was made by the emphasis on the cognitive and normative factors of the politics, which aspects are not very explored in the studies of public policies in Brazil. As the source of the data collection, documental, bibliographic and field researches were utilized to the (re)constitution of the formation and transformation in the site concerned. The analysis techniques applied were the content and the documental analysis. To trace the public action referential, it started by the characterization of the touristic section frontiers and the creation of images by the main international body: the World Tourism Organization, of which analysis of the minutes of the meetings underscored guidelines to the member countries, including Brazil, which compounds the global-sectorial reference of the section. As from the analysis of the evolution of the tourism in the country, was identified that public policies in Brazil passed by transformations in their organization over the years, indicating changes in the referential that guided the interventions. These guidelines and transformations were identified in the construction of the tourist destination of Porto de Galinhas, of which data was systematized and presented in four historical periods, in which were discussed the values, the standard, the algorithms, the images and the important mediators. It has been revealed that the State worked in different roles in the decades analyzed in local tourism. From the 1990s, however, new actors were inserted in the formulation and implementation of policies developed, especially for local hotelkeepers. These, through their association, establishes a leadership relation in the local touristic section, thereby, they could set their hegemony and spread their own interest. The leadership acquired by a group of actors, in the case of Porto de Galinhas, does not mean that trade within the industry were neutralized, but that there is a cognitive framework that confronts the actors involved. In spite of the advances achieved by the work of the mediators in the last decades, that resulted in an amplification and diversification of the activity in the area, as well as the consolidation at the beach, as a tourist destiny of national standout, the position of the place is instable, concerned to the competitiveness, once that there is an situation of social and environmental unsustainability
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The theme Corporate Social Responsibility is relatively recent both in the academic field and in the business practice. Because of the lack of socialization of experiences and precision of concepts, there are gaps regarding the understanding of the subject and, also, how to conduct operations. This study just seeks to investigate such matter, focusing applications of social responsibility in business. It takes, as empirical field, winners of the PSQT - SESI Prize of Quality at Work in Rio Grande do Norte (2002-2007) in order to systematize the various approaches on the issue, aiming to reveal subjective visions and perspectives of the theme. It is characterized as a qualitative study, carried out by structured interview. The universe was composed by 15 companies. It was used analysis of content categorical as an axis for the interpretation of the information. Three approaches guided the analysis: Business Ethics, (normative); Business & Society (contractual); Social Issues Management (strategic). The findings are related in three ways: 1) reasons for the CSR practice; 2) the results obtained; 3) the means of CSR. It was found that the award participation occurs, mostly, linked to SESI invitations, so, as an articulated movement of industrial corporations in Brazil it occurs, also, because of the organizational commitment with the society and the possibility of internal and social growths and because of the importance attributed to the report as an instrument of consultancy. There are no indicators to check impacts of organizational interventions, in spite of the existence of planning for the actions. Social responsibility appears as a tool to reinforce the organizational image and to increase satisfaction of the employees. There is a tendency of large and medium firms to a contractual commitment while the small and the micros firms are on strategic or normative level. The analysis of the perspectives of social responsibility future revealed trends towards for strategic approach
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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This chapter explores geographies of gentrification and resistance in relation to the monstrous through the lens of street-art in post-Olympic London. It takes as a geographic case study Hackney Wick, which has for a long time been a bastion of alternative and creative living due to cheap rents in large, ex-industrial warehouse spaces. The artistic sociality of the area is imbued within its landscape, as prolific street artists have adorned ex-industrial warehouses and canal-side walls with graffiti and murals. Since the announcement of the 2012 Olympic Games, the area has been a site of intense political and aesthetic contestation. The post-Olympic legacy means that the area has been earmarked for redevelopment, with current residents facing the possibility of joining thousands already displaced by the games. The anxiety of dispossession is reflected by monstrous characters and sinister disembodied teeth, eyes and fingers embedded within the landscape, painted by local artists. Using geographically sensitive mobile and visual methodology to document the landscape and artwork, the chapter analyses and interprets the monstrous themes using a range of theorists including Mikhail Bakhtin, Georges Bataille and Nick Land. I argue that monstrous street-art lays visible claim to public territory for aesthetic purposes at odds with the visions of redevelopers and the needs of capital. Whilst street-art and graffiti do not fit easily within frameworks of organized political resistance or collective social movements, they operate as a kind of epistemological transgression that triggers transformative affects in the viewer. This creates conditions for pedagogies of resistance to gentrification by expressing and mobilizing political affects such as anger and anxiety, raising awareness of geographical politics, and encouraging the viewer to question the status quo of the built environment.
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Cette thèse se penche sur la rationalité sécuritaire qui organise les villes de Douala et Yaoundé. En effet, l’insécurité urbaine devient une question très préoccupante, encore plus dans les villes des pays du Sud notamment les villes camerounaises où la recrudescence de la criminalité et de la violence ont donné lieu à des initiatives de sécurisation de la part de l’État et de la population. Sur le plan de la théorie, plusieurs approches nous permettent de nous projeter dans l’environnement sécuritaire des villes à l’étude. Nous considérons les villes de Douala et Yaoundé comme des lieux de production culturelle où se construisent à la faveur des migrations, à partir de diverses cultures et de comportements issus des villages d’origine, des formes d’identités hybrides et des territoires urbains diversifiés. Cela donne donc à réfléchir sur les modes de gouvernance locale, à l’échelle des quartiers, dans le but de comprendre les modalités d’encadrement de cette dynamique culturelle urbaine. Dans le même ordre d’idées, la gouvernance locale fait appel aux acteurs, dans leurs rôles et leurs logiques. Ces logiques s’observent dans leurs dimensions cognitives et leurs rapports avec l’espace. Les dimensions cognitives évoquent les perceptions, le vécu et les représentations subjectives qui sont associées à l’insécurité. Ainsi, le sentiment d’insécurité, la peur, la marginalisation, la violence et la criminalisation sont des phénomènes qui laissent entrevoir des populations défavorisées, victimes d’insécurité. C’est à côté de ces dernières que se manifestent les logiques d’acteurs associées à l’espace, qui ouvrent l’observation sur l’informalité et la ségrégation non seulement comme instruments de contrôle de l’espace urbain, mais également comme cadres de production d’espaces sécurisés. L’informalité et la ségrégation sont aussi favorables au développement des identités, à la construction d’utopies, ces visions mélioratives qui motivent et transforment les acteurs. Ce sont ces logiques d’acteurs dans leurs rapports avec l’espace qui justifient les initiatives de sécurisation. Finalement, c’est dans cette dynamique de transformation que les acteurs entrent en processus de subjectivation pour se produire comme sujets. Sur le plan méthodologique, cette thèse repose sur une ethnographie critique et comparative de la sécurité et sur l’approche de l’action sociale, qui invite à s’attarder aux interactions sociales, pour rendre compte de la rationalité sécuritaire. Étudier la sécurité requiert de s’attarder à l’échelle des quartiers, objets principaux de la sécurisation et espaces d’expression de l’informalité. Les quartiers sont encadrés par les chefferies urbaines, dont les systèmes de gestion constituent la gouvernance locale. Face à la question de la sécurité, cette gouvernance se prononce entre autres en fonction de son identité, de sa culture et de ses représentations. Elle côtoie les logiques étatiques dont les techniques et les stratégies d’organisation matérialisent les politiques de sécurité. Douala et Yaoundé présentent des approches populaires de sécurisation qui diffèrent sur le plan de l’organisation locale des quartiers et du tempérament populaire. Elles se rapprochent par les logiques d’acteurs et la motivation que ces derniers ont à se produire en sujets. La recherche a permis de constater qu’une forme de rationalité régit l’ensemble des dynamiques et des stratégies de production de la sécurité qui ont cours à Douala et Yaoundé. Cette rationalité passe par une pluralité de logiques de sécurité, elles-mêmes tributaires de nombreux phénomènes qui contribuent à la production de l’insécurité, mais aussi à celle de la sécurité. En effet, les migrations de la campagne vers la ville, l’informalité, la ségrégation et la présence de gangs locaux sont des réalités urbaines qui donnent une forme particulière à l’insécurité, mais invitent également à une réadaptation des techniques et des groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans la production de la sécurité. Il ressort que la rationalité sécuritaire, cette intelligence de gouvernement qui s’organise dans les dispositifs de l’offre publique de sécurité, suscite aussi dans les procédés des acteurs populaires, des techniques d’identification aux forces de l’ordre. Dans son processus, elle aboutit à la production de sujets sécurisés et de sécurité. En saisissant les productions humaines comme des activités innovantes, nous comprenons que la sécurisation procède par rapprochement entre les forces de l’ordre et les populations, par la mise en oeuvre de mécanismes mis en place pour répondre à la menace mais aussi par la « confiscation de la sécurité » pour les besoins d’une élite. Ensuite, elle représente une instance de subjectivation où l’innovation se matérialise et où les acteurs se réalisent, créent la sécurité et recréent la ville. Finalement, cette thèse révèle une pluralité de logiques de sécurité construites autour d’une même rationalité sécuritaire.
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From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.
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Esta investigación, pretende hacer visibles los circuitos de arte pictórico y escultórico de la ciudad de Guayaquil, estudiando durante el periodo de octubre de 2012 a septiembre de 2013, la conformación de su sistema, la identificación de sus actores, sus visiones del arte, las interdependencias que los vinculan y la influencia del entorno, bajo una perspectiva de ecosistema. Este estudio no pretende ser un inventario de artistas, ni galerías, sino una primera exploración de la compleja temática del consumo del arte.