Flores de energia: a experiência do NEMA - Núcleo de Educação e Monitoramento Ambiental na constituição de intelectuais orgânicos

Este estudo visa compreender a experiência do NEMA – Núcleo de Educação e Monitoramento Ambiental na constituição de intelectuais orgânicos. A pesquisa busca identificar por meio de relatos das pessoas que formaram e formam o NEMA, bem como da trajetória que o Núcleo vem desenhando no cenário ambiental, como esse espaço constitui intelectuais orgânicos. O conceito de intelectuais orgânicos partiu de Antonio Gramsci (1882 – 1937), que desponta como um dos grandes teóricos da teoria social marxista. Para Gramsci o intelectual é mais do que uma pessoa das letras, ou um produtor e transmissor de ideias. Os intelectuais são também mediadores, legitimadores, e produtores de práticas sociais; eles cumprem uma função de natureza eminentemente política. Este aspecto interessa uma vez que o NEMA surgiu nesse movimento de resistir ao conhecimento e práticas sufocantes que constituem nossas práticas sociais. Intelectuais transformadores que aglutinam outros, a fim de romper com a opressão, fornecendo dessa forma a liderança da ética, da política e da pedagogia para a criticidade da realidade. A pesquisa com base qualitativa permitiu estabelecer os referenciais teóricos, a pesquisa em documentos e outras formas de informação e a apropriação da Análise Textual Discursiva – ATD para organizar o corpus por meio dos relatos de 30 pessoas que tiveram a experiência do NEMA. Os resultados possibilitam afirmar que os intelectuais orgânicos do NEMA se constituem em Ondas, isto é passam de uma reflexão sobre si mesmo – Quem eu sou?, estabelece uma relação de pertencimento com o lugar que atuam – O lugar onde vivemos, lidam com uma diversidade de pessoas, instituições e situações – Biodiversidade, estabelecem diálogos e se fazem representar em espaços de discussão – Biosfera e Ecologia e buscam a continuidade de suas ações por meio de novos projetos – Planejamento Ambiental. O estudo vislumbra que a experiência do NEMA contribua na vanguarda da construção dialógica do saber com os movimentos sociais para que estes saberes possam ser implementados na práxis destes movimentos, no fronte da relação natureza e sociedade.

La identidad latinoamericana: una perspectiva desde las clases sociales

Se analizan las identidades latinoamericanas desde un enfoque de las clases y de la lucha de clases, situándose más allá de la bipolaridad clásica burguesía-proletariado y se incorporan una visión heterogénea de las clases sociales. En este debate se articulan dos lógicas elementales: la de la explotación y la de la opresión /dominación que, al vincular los fundamentos de clase con los étnicos, dan un perfil y una resiliencia de lucha particular al continente, que quizás no ocurre en otra región del mundo. La tesis sustentada es que la lucha de clases continúa, mediante movimientos sociales que luchan por diversas reivindicaciones y que asumen el papel de “nuevo sujeto histórico con pretensiones de toma del poder, como en el caso de Bolivia. Abstract The article analyzes the Latin America identities from the class and class struggle approach placing them beyond the classic bipolarity “bourgeoisie-proletariat” and incorporates a heterogeneous vision of the social classes. This debate articulates two elementary logics; the logic of exploitation and the logic of oppression-domination that by linking the fundaments of class with the ethnic give a particular profile and a particular strength fight to the continent that might not be present in other regions of the world. The idea that the article defends and proposes is that the class struggle continues through social movements that fight for several grievances and these movements assume the role of the “new historical subject” who tends to take power as it is the case in Bolivia.

La emancipación no es inefable

El pensamiento social crítico tiene una nueva demanda. Le urge revisarse en sus conceptos fundamentales, dialogar con las experiencias de los movimientos sociales y hacer valer el recurso del método: el hacer conceptual radical del pensamiento y la acción social por una emancipación humana. Desde la experiencia de trabajo del Grupo América Latina, Filosofía Social y Axiología (GALFISA) se exponen algunos elementos alcanzados y construidos en conjunto y que compartimos para seguir narrando juntos la emancipación. Abstract The critical social thought has a new demand. Is urgent to review its fundamental concepts, dialogue with the experiences of the social movements and give value to the resource of the method: Of making radical conceptual of the thought and the social action for a human emancipation. From the experience of the Latin America, Social Philosophy and Axiology working group (GALFISA) some elements that where reached and built together are exposed, elements that we shared in the continuing task of narrating together the emancipation.

Globalización de la agricultura y la alimentación

Existe la posibilidad y necesidad de abordar la crisis estructural del modelo de producción, distribución y consumo global de alimentos desde la agroecología y el consumo responsable, en su práctica-teoría, y no sólo desde la producción, insuficiente para abordar una problemática que también es circulación, (consumo). Y viceversa, mostrar los límites de iniciativas que abordan el problema del hambre, y por extensión, la pobreza y el desarrollo como un problema a resolver sólo desde la circulación (el comercio). Junto a la teorización desde la práctica de los conceptos de agroecología y consumo responsable aparece la transformación de las relaciones sociales, el ejercicio de la participación y la vinculación con otros movimientos sociales. Se promueve la resistencia agroecológica a la globalización desde abajo. Abstract There is the possibility and necessity to address the structural crisis of the production model, distribution and global food consumption from the agricultural-ecology and the responsible consumption, in its practice- theory, and not only from production, insufficient to address a problem that is also circulation (consumption). And vice versa, to show the limits of the initiatives that address the problem of famine, and therefore poverty and development as a problem to solve only from circulation (commerce). Along with theorization from practice of concepts of agricultural-ecology and responsible consumption, transformation of social relations, participation activities, and linkage with other social movements come out. Agricultural-ecological resistance to globalization from below is promoted.

Alternative media for public pedagogy: "Chief" concerns and human agency

To demonstrate how the growing influence of alternative media in civil society correlates with the rise of social movements and their influence on contemporary manifestations of resistance, this research uses critical ethnographic methodologies to document the narratives of alternative media producers in the pro-Indigenous and anti-“Chief” campaigns at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign during the 2006-2007 school year. These narratives demonstrate not only the ways alternative media help transmit dissent by distributing information to diverse populations, but also the manner they facilitate contexts that influence identity formations and strengthen counter-cultural communal practices. Particular lineages of critical social theory are used to situate knowledge construction and social relationships within specific socio-historic contexts to approach issues of subjectivity, human agency, and resistance. These include the Frankfurt School for Social Research, the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, and the Brazilian education philosopher Paulo Freire, who emphasize criticality based on the engagement of ideological analysis, as well as developing capacities to critique and resist oppressive social and political relationships. Thus, this study argues for expanding traditional notions of literacy to include the ability to decode and produce media as a critical element of meaningful democratic participation.

Um olhar sobre a lei Maria da Penha no Paraná: avanços e desafios

This study aims to analyze the process of implementation of Maria da Penha Law in Paraná from the perception of persons directly involved in combating violence against women in that state. To achieve this goal, the implementation in Curitiba was taken as the main reference, due to its status as capital, being the headquarter of the political powers and the place where are some feminist social movements. We have chosen qualitative approach of interpretative nature as research methodology, because it is a method that allows the analysis of the responses and as a data collection technique. We also have chosen the individual semi-structured interview as interview mode, because it gives greater freedom to the interviewee to discuss the matter, but it is delimited to the study objectives. The research included nine persons, including members of the Judiciary and Public Ministry, public servants and activists. The importance of the study stems from the relevance of the numbers of violence against women in Brazil, and more specifically by the significant occurrence of this kind of acts in the state of Paraná, which currently occupies the 3rd place in the ranking for the most violent states. The paper also discusses gender relations by understanding that violence against women is the result of an asymmetrical power relationship between men and women; human rights because violence is a blatant disregard of women's human rights; on public policies and technologies to confront this form of violence. Among the policies, the Maria da Penha Law is highlighted as one of the most striking examples of public policy for combating violence against women. The research found out which was the participation of Paraná in the discussion and implementation of Maria da Penha Law, identifying relevant facts and people and also what was the repercussion obtained by this law. As for the implementation in Paraná, it was possible to determine progresses, difficulties and challenges of the process. The greatest advances obtained so far are the facilities of: Court of Domestic and Family Violence against Women in Curitiba, Maria da Penha Patrol and Women's Special City Office of Curitiba. As for the difficulties, they are related, among others things, to the physical structure, training of agents, political will, and even cultural issues, which are directly linked to gender issues. Thus it was found that the law is implemented in the state, but there are still several challenges to be achieved, which consist, mainly, of the structure increment for combating violence; awareness and change of mentality of public officials; training of service agents and a greater social participation in combating violence. We concluded that the need for change in gender relations, which is an educational and social evolutionary process and therefore time consuming, is also a challenge.

El efecto dominó de las revueltas sociales de 2011 visto desde la prensa de referencia colombiana

Las movilizaciones de 2011, que comenzaron con la Primavera Árabe y se propagaron por el mundo entero, se convirtieron en un fenómeno mediático internacional, pues centraron parte de sus estrategias de acción en alcanzar visibilidad en los medios de comunicación. Este trabajo, producto de una investigación, tuvo como objetivo analizar cómo fue el cubrimiento de las revueltas desde los principales diarios colombianos El Tiempo y El Espectador; conocer el framing y los recursos empleados para transmitir la información. Para ello, se seleccionaron todas las piezas periodísticas referentes a acciones de protesta alrededor del mundo, publicadas desde el 15 de diciembre de 2010 hasta la misma fecha de 2011 y se les aplicó una matriz de análisis de contenido cuantitativo y cualitativo. Los resultados mostraron que el tratamiento dado a la información potenció la visibilidad de las manifestaciones, desde una perspectiva homogénea, presentando movimientos dispares y distantes como un fenómeno global y contagioso que traspasaba fronteras.

Multiraciality Enters the University: Mixed Race Identity and Knowledge Production in Higher Education

“Multiraciality Enters the University: Mixed Race Identity and Knowledge Production in Higher Education,” explores how the category of “mixed race” has underpinned university politics in California, through student organizing, admissions debates, and the development of a new field of study. By treating the concept of privatization as central to both multiraciality and the neoliberal university, this project asks how and in what capacity has the discourses of multiracialism and the growing recognition of mixed race student populations shaped administrative, social, and academic debates at the state’s flagship universities—the University of California at Berkeley and Los Angeles. This project argues that the mixed race population symbolizing so-called “post-racial societies” is fundamentally attached to the concept of self-authorship, which can work to challenge the rights and resources for college students of color. Through a close reading of texts, including archival materials, policy and media debates, and interviews, I assert that the contemporary deployment of mixed race within the US academy represents a particularly post-civil rights development, undergirded by a genealogy of U.S. liberal individualism. This project ultimately reveals the pressing need to rethink ways to disrupt institutionalized racism in the new millennium.

Incomplete information games of conflict and collective action

My thesis consists of three essays that investigate strategic interactions between individuals engaging in risky collective action in uncertain environments. The first essay analyzes a broad class of incomplete information coordination games with a wide range of applications in economics and politics. The second essay draws from the general model developed in the first essay to study decisions by individuals of whether to engage in protest/revolution/coup/strike. The final essay explicitly integrates state response to the analysis. The first essay, Coordination Games with Strategic Delegation of Pivotality, exhaustively analyzes a class of binary action, two-player coordination games in which players receive stochastic payoffs only if both players take a ``stochastic-coordination action''. Players receive conditionally-independent noisy private signals about the normally distributed stochastic payoffs. With this structure, each player can exploit the information contained in the other player's action only when he takes the “pivotalizing action”. This feature has two consequences: (1) When the fear of miscoordination is not too large, in order to utilize the other player's information, each player takes the “pivotalizing action” more often than he would based solely on his private information, and (2) best responses feature both strategic complementarities and strategic substitutes, implying that the game is not supermodular nor a typical global game. This class of games has applications in a wide range of economic and political phenomena, including war and peace, protest/revolution/coup/ strike, interest groups lobbying, international trade, and adoption of a new technology. My second essay, Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs, studies the decision problem of citizens who must decide whether to submit to the status quo or mount a revolution. If they coordinate, they can overthrow the status quo. Otherwise, the status quo is preserved and participants in a failed revolution are punished. Citizens face two types of uncertainty. (a) non-strategic: they are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution, (b) strategic: they are uncertain about each other's assessments of the relative payoff. I draw on the existing literature and historical evidence to argue that the uncertainty in the payoffs of status quo and revolution is intrinsic in politics. Several counter-intuitive findings emerge: (1) Better communication between citizens can lower the likelihood of revolution. In fact, when the punishment for failed protest is not too harsh and citizens' private knowledge is accurate, then further communication reduces incentives to revolt. (2) Increasing strategic uncertainty can increase the likelihood of revolution attempts, and even the likelihood of successful revolution. In particular, revolt may be more likely when citizens privately obtain information than when they receive information from a common media source. (3) Two dilemmas arise concerning the intensity and frequency of punishment (repression), and the frequency of protest. Punishment Dilemma 1: harsher punishments may increase the probability that punishment is materialized. That is, as the state increases the punishment for dissent, it might also have to punish more dissidents. It is only when the punishment is sufficiently harsh, that harsher punishment reduces the frequency of its application. Punishment Dilemma 1 leads to Punishment Dilemma 2: the frequencies of repression and protest can be positively or negatively correlated depending on the intensity of repression. My third essay, The Repression Puzzle, investigates the relationship between the intensity of grievances and the likelihood of repression. First, I make the observation that the occurrence of state repression is a puzzle. If repression is to succeed, dissidents should not rebel. If it is to fail, the state should concede in order to save the costs of unsuccessful repression. I then propose an explanation for the “repression puzzle” that hinges on information asymmetries between the state and dissidents about the costs of repression to the state, and hence the likelihood of its application by the state. I present a formal model that combines the insights of grievance-based and political process theories to investigate the consequences of this information asymmetry for the dissidents' contentious actions and for the relationship between the magnitude of grievances (formulated here as the extent of inequality) and the likelihood of repression. The main contribution of the paper is to show that this relationship is non-monotone. That is, as the magnitude of grievances increases, the likelihood of repression might decrease. I investigate the relationship between inequality and the likelihood of repression in all country-years from 1981 to 1999. To mitigate specification problem, I estimate the probability of repression using a generalized additive model with thin-plate splines (GAM-TPS). This technique allows for flexible relationship between inequality, the proxy for the costs of repression and revolutions (income per capita), and the likelihood of repression. The empirical evidence support my prediction that the relationship between the magnitude of grievances and the likelihood of repression is non-monotone.

É preciso ter coragem: um estudo das narrativas de mulheres na política

É na busca por compreender a inserção e participação de mulheres na política partidária na contemporaneidade que esta dissertação, situada na linha de pesquisa Culturas, Linguagens e Utopias, tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas de vereadoras de municípios que estão localizados na região sul do Rio Grande do Sul no período de 2009-2012. O corpus de análise constitui-se de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com as onze vereadoras participantes a partir da metodologia de investigação narrativa. Partindo das contribuições dos Estudos Culturais e de Gênero em suas vertentes pós-estruturalistas procurou-se problematizar alguns discursos e práticas que emergiram nas narrativas com base nas contribuições da análise do discurso de Michel Foucault. Assim, verificou-se que a representação cultural das mulheres neste campo político está fundamentada em concepções essencialistas do gênero feminino como a sensibilidade. Isso vem provocando discussões na ciência política e nos estudos de gênero a partir de termos como política de ideias, política de desvelo que discutem a presença das mulheres em decorrência ou não desses atributos. O fato é que esses discursos vêm instituindo diferenças na participação de homens e mulheres na política e constituindo formas de ser mulher na política partidária e de fazer política diferenciada das dos homens de forma menos “dura”, “rígida”. Ao debruçar-se na inserção das mulheres nessa esfera pública constatou-se uma trajetória marcada pelas noções de público e privado que impediu ao longo de nossa história a participação das mulheres no campo político e o desenvolvimento de sua cidadania. Além disso, nas narrativas das vereadoras fica evidente que as mulheres não foram constituídas para participarem do que hoje é um direito seu: a esfera pública de decisão da política. Isso foi constatado a partir do convite que foi feito para a candidatura pelos partidos que a partir das cotas partidárias procuraram mais significativamente por mulheres para concorrer. Também se observou neste estudo o capital político de ingresso das mulheres nessa esfera: o capital familiar, capital dos movimentos sociais e capital de ocupação em cargos públicos. Quanto a participação das mulheres no cotidiano de seus mandatos identificamos a dificuldade de ser mulher e política na atualidade. As negociações com os partidos e os colegas, a conciliação entre a família e a vida pública; os focos de atuação dedicados as áreas sociais e nesse destacamos mais significativamente a educação. Por fim, o que pretendemos foi desconfiar da máxima “lugar de mulher não é na política” e conhecer as trajetórias e histórias de mulheres que cotidianamente entre conflitos e disputas lutam pelo seu lugar na esfera pública, pelo exercício de sua cidadania.

Proces prekaryzacji pracy - nowe kierunki zmian społeczno-gospodarczych w świecie

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

Gender and East Asian Welfare States: from Confucianism to Gender Equality

How can we understand the gender logic underpinning the welfare states/systems of East Asia? Does the comparative literature, which has largely been concerned with western Welfare states, whether in The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Esping-Andersen 1990), or in gender-based analysis of the male breadwinner model (Lewis 1992, 2001, 2006), have anything to offer in understanding the gender assumptions underpinning East Asian welfare states? Are the welfare systems of East Asian countries distinctive, with Confucian assumptions hidden beneath the surface commitment to gender equality? We will use the (mainly western) comparative literature, but argue that Confucian influences remain important, with strong assumptions of family, market and voluntary sector responsibility rather than state responsibility, strong expectations of women’s obligations, without compensating rights, a hierarchy of gender and age, and a highly distinctive, vertical family structure, in which women are subject to parents-in-law. In rapidly changing economies, these social characteristics are changing too. But they still put powerful pressures on women to conform to expectations about care, while weakening their rights to security and support. Nowhere do welfare states’ promises bring gender equality in practice. Even in Scandinavian countries women earn less, care more, and have less power than men. We shall compare East Asian countries (Japan, Korea, Taiwan where possible) with some Western ones, to argue that some major comparative data (e.g. OECD) show the extreme situation of women in these countries. Some fine new qualitative studies give us a close insight into the experience of mothers, including lone and married mothers, which help us to understand how far the gender assumptions of welfare states are from Scandinavia’s dual earner model. There are signs of change in society as well as in economy, and room for optimism that women’s involvement in social movements and academic enquiry may be challenging Confucian gender hierarchies.

Hombres y masculinidad ¿un cambio de modelo?

En las últimas décadas hemos asistido a un importante impulso en las investigaciones centradas en el análisis de las masculinidades. Este hecho no es casual y se debe fundamentalmente a dos razones. Una de carácter político, relacionada con el cuestionamiento de una sociedad representada exclusivamente en términos masculinos. Una segunda razón de carácter científico, ¿si la feminidad debía ser explicada por qué no la masculinidad? Ambas razones han incidido en la desnaturalización de una supuesta masculinidad de carácter universal y en la profusión de investigaciones tendentes a desvelar: las formas sociales de construir a los hombres, los mecanismos de reproducción del poder inscritos en los cuerpos, los desiguales modelos sociales en torno a lo masculino, las relaciones de dominación que se producen entre hombres y mujeres, y entre los propios hombres. Este cuestionamiento teórico de “lo masculino” ha estado muy vinculado al papel de los movimientos sociales y especialmente del feminismo y los movimientos de liberación sexual, que han jugado un papel central en la redefinición del papel de hombres y mujeres, y por tanto en la búsqueda de nuevas alternativas a los modelos tradicionales, también entre los propios hombres. En las páginas siguientes nos aproximaremos precisamente a la noción de masculinidad y masculinidades, incidiendo en su carácter relacional y cambiante, así como en sus distintas significaciones.

The murky waters of neoliberal marketization and commodification on the education of adults in the United States

We approach marketization and commodification of adult education from multiple lenses including our personal narratives and neoliberalism juxtaposed against the educational philosophy of the Progressive Period. We argue that adult education occurs in many arenas including the public spaces found in social movements, community-based organizations, and government sponsored programs designed to engage and give voice to all citizens toward building a stronger civil society. We conclude that only when adult education is viewed from the university lens, where it focuses on the individual and not the public good, does it succumb to neoliberal forces. (DIPF/Orig.)

Direito como efetividade e luta pela terra no Brasil

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.