817 resultados para Islamic shrines--Syria--Damascus
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Nas três últimas décadas do colonialismo português, as políticas destinadas às populações muçulmanas da Guiné e de Moçambique passaram da hostilidade mais ou menos aberta para uma estratégia de sedução, com vista a promover um “Islão português” e a usar certos sectores muçulmanos no combate aos movimentos nacionalistas. Esta transição teve também uma componente transnacional, na medida em que se quis alargar a intervenção portuguesa a um espaço estratégico designado como “mundo islâmico”. O presente artigo procura analisar essa intervenção, debruçando-se sobre o pensamento geopolítico que a informou e as suas aplicações diplomáticas, em particular no relacionamento com os países árabes.
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Terrorism is at the center of speeches in contemporary societies. Terrorism has caused a great instability in Western society, but if before the Islamic fundamentalist terrorism was just a threat to the West, the Arab world of today suffers this same reality. Human rights conquered in the past, are being constantly violated and forgotten by the countries that make them flag of their ideals as the US, that this fight against terrorism already violated in every way those rights. Human rights are the fundamental pillars to be able to live in society and serve to protect the humanity of the atrocities that have been committed in the past with the great wars. Human rights are the fundamental pillars to be able to live in society and serve to protect the humanity of the atrocities that have been committed in the past with the great wars. Atrocities as torture, which is prohibited by several international documents and yet these inhumane practices continue to be used as a means of combating terrorism. Democracies are fragmented and the great challenge facing this century is finding means to contain the growth of these Islamic radicals, without jeopardizing the universally known human values.
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This thesis’ goal is to study the relationship between the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda, notably the hypotheses that the Islamic State derives from Al-Qaeda. The topic to be developed in the following pages is based in reliable sources so that we can obtain the most accurate possible conclusions. In preparation of this report, several quotes were used in order to present correct settings and make logical deductions based on documents. It aims to be a modest contribution to a reflection on the theme, which is addressed in a very general way. Concepts of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism are addressed in the thesis. Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State and the response to terrorism are presented, with the aim of understanding the degree of complexity underlying the Islamic State.
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RESUMO: Do suicídio no Afeganistão é uma prioridade de saúde pública. O Afeganistão é um país de baixo rendimento, emergindo de três décadas de conflitos. Há uma alta prevalência de sofrimento psicológico, perturbações mentais e abuso de substâncias. Existem várias questões sociais, tais como, desequilíbrio/violência de género, pobreza, atitudes e costumes obsoletos, rápidas mudanças sócio-culturais, violação dos direitos humanos e especialmente dos direitos das mulheres e das crianças. Estes fatores de risco contribuem para o aumento da vulnerabilidade da população em relação ao suicídio. A relativa alta taxa de suicídio no Afeganistão é especialmente significativa comparada com as taxas baixas em todos os países islâmicos. Os estudos mostraram predominância de suicídio nas mulheres (95%) e em pessoas jovens. Existe, por isso, uma necessidade urgente do país ter uma estratégia de prevenção do suicídio. A estratégia foi desenvolvida pela criação de um grupo técnico/ de assessoria multi-sectorial de diferentes intervenientes tais como governo, ONGs, agências doadoras, as famílias das vítimas e outraas partes interessadas. A estratégia baseia-se os seguintes valores chave:, respeito pelas diversidades; sensibilidade para as questões sócio-cultura-religiosa e de género; promoção da dignidade da sociedade; respeito pelos direitos humanoss.. Os 'seis pontos estratégicos' são: envolvimento das principais partes interessadas e criação de colaboração intersectorial coordenada; fornecimento de cuidados às pessoas que fazem tentativas de suicídio e às suas famílias; melhoria dos serviços para pessoas com doença mental e problemas psicossociais; promover uma comunicação e imagem adequada dos comportamentos suicidas, pelos meios de comunicação; reduzir o acesso aos meios de suicídio e coligir informação sobre as taxas de suicídio, os fatores de risco, os fatores protetores e as intervenções eficazes. A estratégia nacional de prevenção do suicídio será inicialmente implementada por 5 anos, com uma avaliação anual do plano de acção para entender os seus pontos fortes e limitações. Recomendações e sugestões serão incorporadas nos próxima planos anuais para uma intervenção eficaz. Um sistema de monitorização irá medir o progresso na implementação da estratégia.-----------------------------ABSTRACT: Suicide in Afghanistan is a public health priority. Afghanistan is a low-income country, emerging from three decades of conflicts. There is high prevalence of mental distress, mental disorders and substance abuse. There are multiple social issues, such as gender imbalance/violence, poverty, obsolete attitudes and customs, rapid social-cultural changes, human right violations, and especially women and children rights. These risk factors contribute to increase the vulnerability of the population for suicide. The relative high rate of suicide in Afghanistan is especially significant as the rates are low in all Islamic countries. Research studies have shown predominance of suicide in women (95%) and in young age people. There is an urgent need for the country to have a suicide prevention strategy. The strategy has been developed by establishing a multi-sectoral technical/advisory group of different stakeholders from government, NGOs, donor agencies, victim’s families, and interested parties. The strategy is based on the following key values, namely, respect for diversities; sensitiveness to socio-culture-religious and gender issues; promotion of the society dignity and respect for the human rights of people. The six ‘Strategic directions’ are: involving key stakeholders and creating coordinated inter-sectoral collaboration; providing after care for people making a suicide attempt and their families; improving services for people with mental disorders and psycho-social problems; promoting the safe reporting and image of suicidal behaviour by media; reducing access to the means of suicide and gathering information about suicide rates, risk factor, protective factors and effective interventions. The National Suicide Prevention Strategy will be initially implemented for 5 years, with an annual evaluation of the action plan to understand the strengths and limitations. Recommendations and suggestions will be incorporated into the next annual plans for effective intervention. A monitoring framework will measure progress in implementing the strategy.
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Alcácer do Sal é uma cidade que esteve desde sempre ligada ao rio Sado, permitindo essa mesma ligação, que nela se fossem fixando ao longo do tempo, distintos povos, provindos das mais diversas partes do mundo. Esta ocupação por parte das populações, só foi possível, porque o território era abundante em recursos naturais e, entre eles, possuía solos bastante férteis para a agricultura. Uma das comunidades que mais marcas deixou da sua presença naquele núcleo urbano, foi, sem dúvida, a muçulmana, tal como se pode verificar no topónimo que dá o nome à cidade, assim como pela presença dos vários vestígios materiais, como a imponente fortificação militar, que se ergue na colina mais alta da povoação, assim como pelas estruturas e espólios encontrados nas diversas intervenções arqueológicas realizadas naquela cidade. Tendo em conta estes aspetos, esta dissertação pretende fazer uma aproximação ao estudo do urbanismo da medina islâmica de al-Qasr, abarcando cronologicamente o século IX, altura em que os Banu Danis se fixam na cidade, até aos inícios do século XIII, correspondente à última fase de ocupação muçulmana da cidade.
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Abstract: In Imperial Eyes Mary Louise Pratt (1992: 7, emphasis original) defines autoethnography as "instances in which colonized subjects undertake to represent themselves in ways that engage with the colonizer's own terms ... in response to or in dialogue with . . . metropolitan representations." Although Pratt's conceptualization of autoethnography has much to offer post-colonial studies, it has received little attention in the field. In this thesis, I interrogate Pratt's notion of autoethnography as a theoretical tool for understanding the self-representations of subordinate peoples within transcultural terrains of signification. I argue that autoethnography is a concept that allows us to move beyond some theoretical dualisms, and to recognize the (necessary) coexistence of subordinate peoples' simultaneous accommodation of and resistance to dominant representations of themselves. I suggest that even when autoethnographic expressions seem to rely on or to reproduce dominant knowledges, their very existence as speech acts implicitly resists dominant discourses which objectify members of oppressed populations and re-create them as Native Informants. I use Pratt's concept to analyze two books by Islamic feminist sociologist Fatima Memissi. Memissi's Dreams ofTrespass and Scheherazade Goes West illustrate the simultaneity of accommodation and disruption evident in autoethnographic communication. Across the two books, Memissi shows herself renegotiating the discourses which discipline her (and her speech). She switches back and forth between the positions of reader and author, demonstrates the reciprocity of the disciplinary gaze (she looks back at her dominants, reading their own reading of her representation of her social group), and provides a model of autoethnographic dialogue.
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This thesis analyzes four philosophical questions surrounding Ibn al-'Arabi's concept of the al-iman al-kamil, the Perfect Individual. The Introduction provides a definition of Sufism, and it situates Ibn al-'Arabi's thought within the broader context of the philosophy of perfection. Chapter One discusses the transformative knowledge of the Perfect Individual. It analyzes the relationship between reason, revelation, and intuition, and the different roles they play within Islam, Islamic philosophy, and Sufism. Chapter Two discusses the ontological and metaphysical importance of the Perfect Individual, exploring the importance of perfection within existence by looking at the relationship the Perfect Individual has with God and the world, the eternal and non-eternal. In Chapter Three the physical manifestations of the Perfect Individual and their relationship to the Prophet Muhammad are analyzed. It explores the Perfect Individual's roles as Prophet, Saint, and Seal. The final chapter compares Ibn al-'Arabi's Perfect Individual to Sir Muhammad Iqbal's in order to analyze the different ways perfect action can be conceptualized. It analyzes the relationship between freedom and action.
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The following thesis provides an empirical case study in which a group of 6 first generation female Afghan Canadian youth is studied to determine their identity negotiation and development processes in everyday experiences. This process is investigated across different contexts of home, school, and the community. In terms of schooling experiences, 2 participants each are selected representing public, Islamic, and Catholic schools in Southern Ontario. This study employs feminist research methods and is analyzed through a convergence of critical race theory (critical race feminism), youth development theory, and feminist theory. Participant experiences reveal issues of racism, discrimination, and bias within schooling (public, Catholic) systems. Within these contexts, participants suppress their identities or are exposed to negative experiences based on their ethnic or religious identification. Students in Islamic schools experience support for a more positive ethnic and religious identity. Home and community provided nurturing contexts where participants are able to reaffirm and develop a positive overall identity.
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L’Islam interdit le riba , mot arabe signifiant à la fois usure et intérêt. L’interdiction du rib figure dans la loi islamique, née dans l’Arabie du Moyen Âge. Elle est à la base de la finance islamique qui connut une expansion remarquable durant la deuxième moitié du XX e siècle. Nous nous interrogeons sur les origines de cette interdiction, sur les problèmes que connaît actuellement la finance islamique et sur ses perspectives d’avenir.
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"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître en droit (LL.M)"
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Cette recherche porte sur la transmission religio-culturelle aux enfants de couples maghrébo-québécois islamo-chrétiens à Montréal. À la suite de l’analyse de 10 entrevues semi-directives réalisées auprès de couples parentaux, nous tenterons de répondre aux questions suivantes : Quelle appartenance religieuse les parents veulent-ils transmettre à leur(s) enfant(s) ? Comment se manifestent leurs choix dans leur pratique religieuse ? Quels compromis les parents font-ils pour l’équilibre familial et identitaire de leur(s) enfant(s) ? Comment légitiment-ils leurs choix parentaux ? Afin de répondre à ces questions, nous nous sommes donné les objectifs spécifiques suivants : 1) documenter les choix des parents concernant la transmission religio-culturelle aux enfants; 2) cerner les façons dont les pratiques et les croyances religieuses des parents influencent leurs choix; 3) expliquer en quoi ces choix se manifestent dans leurs pratiques rituelles avec les enfants; 4) dégager les légitimations que les parents font vis-à-vis de leur choix de transmission. Les résultats de notre recherche ne nous ont pas permis de trouver une logique de transmission qui s’applique à tous nos parents. Cependant, nous retenons que les enfants de notre échantillon sont identifiés par leurs parents soit comme musulmans (5 familles sur 10) soit sans religion (5 familles sur 10). Aucun couple n’a choisi, en effet, le catholicisme pour leur enfant, et ce, même dans le cas où le conjoint catholique est pratiquant. À l’aide des choix parentaux concernant plus particulièrement le rite de la circoncision et la célébration des principales fêtes religieuses, nous dégageons quelques points d’ancrages communs face à la transmission symbolique. Quelle que soit la position du parent musulman face à la religion (pratiquant, non pratiquant, athée), celui-ci reste profondément attaché au rite de la circoncision pour son enfant dans un souci de transmission culturelle. La transmission biculturelle où les fêtes des deux lignées sont célébrées en famille est la plus pratiquée.
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Le héros grec Amphilochos, descendant mythique de la célèbre famille des hérosprophètes Mélampodides, était, comme son père Amphiaraos, un devin reconnu et un soldat aux aptitudes militaires formidables. Après avoir participé à la seconde expédition contre Thèbes et à la guerre de Troie, celui-ci aurait pérégriné dans bon nombre de contrées en fondant plusieurs cités situées entre l’Espagne et la Syrie. Quelque temps après sa mort brutale en combat singulier contre un autre devin nommé Mopsos, Amphilochos fut élevé au rang de divinité oraculaire à Mallos de Cilicie, une cité dont il avait été lui-même le fondateur. À l’époque romaine, Amphilochos avait acquit, en plus d’un statut ontologique supérieur, une très grande réputation dans cette région où il rendait des oracles à des pèlerins qui venaient eux-mêmes le visiter dans son antre. Cette recherche, qui vise d’une part à étudier de façon exhaustive la légende d’Amphilochos, tente surtout de déterminer, malgré un nombre restreint d’indices, les modalités de la révélation oraculaire dans le sanctuaire de Mallos de Cilicie.
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Proponents of the capabilities approach claim that it should be used to give guidance for the implementation of good constitutional laws. This suggests that it also gives us grounds to support attempts to create or protect constitutions based on something like the capabilities approach. The Turkish Republic claims that in order to protect secularism and the equal status of women, it needs to keep certain Islamic practices away from the public domain. The wearing of the headscarf has been singled out as such a practice, and the Turkish Republic has therefore legislated against headscarf wearing in schools, universities, and government buildings. In consequence many women are forced to choose between religion over education and politics in a way that curtails central human capabilities. Nussbaum claims that the best way to help states resolve the dilemma presented by the conflict between religious choice and other central capabilities is to refer to principles embodied in to the US Religious Freedom Restoration Act 1993, which states that a law can burden a person's exercise of religion only when the burden is a furtherance of a compelling state interest. In this paper I consider how this advice partly vindicates the Turkish case and how the solution it yields is in many ways more satisfactory than that of more traditional approaches in political philosophy.
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Le 8 mars 1963, un coup d’État en Syrie permet à une secte minoritaire marginalisée au sein du parti Baas, à idéologie radicale et révolutionnaire, de s’emparer des rênes de l’État avec l’appui des militaires et de conserver le pouvoir depuis. Ainsi la Syrie, premier pays arabe à connaître le système pluraliste parlementaire dès 1919, sera soumise à un régime militaire et autoritaire pendant presque un demi siècle. Ce mémoire vise à expliquer comment cette faction, groupusculaire à l’origine, a su profiter des circonstances et des fenêtres d’opportunité politique ouvertes par les comportements de l’élite traditionnelle syrienne, au pouvoir depuis le Mandat français, s’étant trouvée affaiblie, isolée et illégitime aux yeux de la population. Cette fragmentation exprimée par des agitations internes, avait provoqué des décisions contradictoires, des conflits d’intérêts ainsi que des divisions de nature identitaire, générationnelle, sociale, économique, militaire et politique. La Syrie a de ce fait, depuis son indépendance en 1941, été victime du jeu de son élite, un jeu dont ce mémoire est consacré à étudier la dynamique. Cette étude, qui définit le concept de l’élite théoriquement, s’appuie sur l’état des liens entre élites, l’envergure et les modes de leur circulation, pour confirmer qu’une élite fragmentée s’affaibli, perd sa légitimité et mène la société à l’instabilité. Ceci soutien l’hypothèse centrale de l’étude que la fragmentation de l’élite syrienne traditionnelle a ouvert des fenêtres d’opportunité politique devant le parti Baas, minoritaire et radical, qui a su les saisir pour conquérir le pouvoir.
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RÉSUMÉ Cette étude porte sur la présence phénicienne en Syrie du Nord uniquement pendant la première moitié de l’Âge du Fer, i.e entre 1000 et 500 av. J.C. Elle est fondée sur l’analyse des données archéologiques et littéraires des principaux sites côtiers de cette région, al Mina, Ras el Bassit, Tell Kazel, Tell Soukas et Amrit. Après une présentation des caractéristiques culturelles de la civilisation phénicienne, j’aborde l’analyse de ces sites. Les données qui permettent de prouver une présence phénicienne dans la région s’avèrent nombreuses et j’en conclus que les Phéniciens devaient constituer une minorité importante de la population de ces sites, au même titre que les Grecs ou les Chypriotes, la majorité étant d’origine syrienne. Mais dans certains cas, notamment sur les sites les plus proches des grandes capitales phéniciennes, il n’est pas impossible qu’ils aient été majoritaires. L’étude illustrera par ailleurs l’importance du rôle des cités de la Syrie du Nord dans les échanges commerciaux et culturels avec les autres cultures du Sud-Est du bassin méditerranéen, notamment celles de la Grèce, île de Chypre, de la Cilicie et de la Syrie intérieure.