Report by His Britannic Majesty's Government to the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of the British Sphere of Togoland

Mode of access: Internet.

Politics and protestant Lordship in North East Scotland during the reign of James VI: The life of George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal, 1554-1623

George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.

Etiological and Clinical Features of Childhood Psychotic Symptoms Results From a Birth Cohort

Context: It has been reported that childhood psychotic symptoms are common in the general population and may signal neurodevelopmental processes that lead to schizophrenia. However, it is not clear whether these symptoms are associated with the same extensive risk factors established for adult schizophrenia. Objective: To examine the construct validity of children`s self-reported psychotic symptoms by testing whether these symptoms share the risk factors and clinical features of adult schizophrenia. Design: Prospective, longitudinal cohort study of a nationally representative birth cohort in Great Britain. Participants: A total of 2232 twelve-year-old children followed up since age 5 years ( retention, 96%). Main Outcome Measure: Children`s self-reported hallucinations and delusions. Results: Children`s psychotic symptoms are familial and heritable and are associated with social risk factors (eg, urbanicity); cognitive impairments at age 5; home-rearing risk factors ( eg, maternal expressed emotion); behavioral, emotional, and educational problems at age 5; and comorbid conditions, including self-harm. Conclusions: The results provide a comprehensive picture of the construct validity of children`s self-reported psychotic symptoms. For researchers, the findings indicate that children who have psychotic symptoms can be recruited for neuroscience research to determine the pathogenesis of schizophrenia. For clinicians, the findings indicate that psychotic symptoms in childhood are often a marker of an impaired developmental process and should be actively assessed.

Illustrations of British mycology, containing figures and descriptions of the funguses of interest and novelty indigenous to Britain. By Mrs. T.J. Hussey ...

ser. 2

Illustrations of British mycology, containing figures and descriptions of the funguses of interest and novelty indigenous to Britain. By Mrs. T.J. Hussey ...

ser. 1

Research involving biological material from forensic autopsies: legal and ethical issues.

Recommendations and laws do not always contain specific and clear provisions on the use of cadaveric material in research, and even more rarely do they address explicitly the ethical issues related to research on material obtained during forensic autopsy. In this article we analyse existing legal frameworks in Europe by comparing the legal provisions in 2 European Countries which are member states of the Council of Europe, the UK and Switzerland. They were chosen because they have distinct legal frameworks that make comparisons interesting. In addition, the detailed laws of the UK and a specific law project and national ethical recommendations in Switzerland permit us to define more clearly the legal range of options for researchers using cadaveric material obtained during forensic investigations. The Human Tissue Act 2004 in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, its Scottish equivalent with the same title (2006) and the national ethical guidelines in Switzerland all require consent from the deceased person, an appropriate relative or a person with power of attorney for healthcare decisions before cadaveric biological material can be obtained and used for research. However, if the purpose of the autopsy is purely forensic, no such authorization will be sought to carry out the autopsy and related analyses, which might include genetic testing. In order to be allowed to carry out future research projects, families need to be approached for informed consent, unless the deceased person had left written directives including permission to use his or her tissues for research.

Cultural Diversity, Social Cohesion, Religion: Core Values and Educational Policies in Four European Nations

In my doctoral thesis I evaluate strategies designed to cope with the multicultural nature of four European nations: Great Britain, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark. I also analyse and clarify the question of the place of religion in present-day Europe. The empirical material analysed in the study consists of politicians’ statements and policy documents dealing with immigration policy and religious and values education in the four countries. In addition, I analyse statements issued by the Council of Europe regarding religious education, along with all cases relevant to religious education brought before the United Nations Human Rights Committee or the European Court of Human Rights. The theoretical framework is formed by the scholarly debate – among philosophers, sociologists and scholars of religion in education – concerning the question of a just society. Special emphasis is given to philosophical theories that are in favour of granting special group rights to religious minorities in the name of equal treatment. With regard to the question of the appropriate place of religion, I apply Kim Knott’s methodological model for locating religion in secular contexts, and Émile Durkheim’s theory as to the significance of religion and collective sentiments in uniting adherents or members of a group into a single moral community. The study shows that even when the positive side of immigration, as a potential force for the enrichment of the public culture, is acknowledged, there is anxiety as to the successful integration of immigrants. The premises and goals of immigration policies have also been questioned. One central problem is the incommensurability between the values upheld by Western liberal democracies and certain religious traditions, above all those of Islam. Great Britain, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark have tightened control over their citizens’ ethical attitudes and want to regulate these as well. In coping with cultural diversity, the significance of education, especially religious education, plays a significant role; as future citizens, pupils are expected to internalise the society’s core values as well as gaining an understanding of different cultures and ways of life. It is also worth noting that both the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights have recently expressed the view that one important goal of religious education is to enable pupils to be critical and autonomous with regard to different religions and moral positions. The study shows that religion is not seen as purely a personal matter. Religion is closely linked to individual and national identity, and religious traditions thus have a place in the public domain. It should be noted, however, that a religious tradition – more precisely, an interpretation of religious tradition – qualifies as a legitimate partner in the democratic decision-making process only if it shares similar values with Western European nations.

A new map of Denmark and Sweden. According to ye newest and most exact observations. By H. Moll, geographer.

Kahdessa osassa painettu kartta.

Hints to both Parties

Full Title: Hints to both parties : or, Observations on the proceedings in Parliament upon the petitions against the Orders in council, and on the conduct of His Majesty's Ministers in granting licenses to import the staple commodities of the enemy. Printed for E. Sargeant

Roberta "Bobbie" Styran fonds, 1707-2013, n.d.

Roberta “Bobbie” Styran was born and rasied in Fredericton, N.B. She graduated from McMaster University with a B.A. (1962) and M.A. (1964), before furthering her studies at the University of Toronto, where she received a Ph. D in History. From 1967 to 1978, she taught Medieval History at Brock University, where she developed an interest in the Welland Canal. She began a collaboration with Prof. Robert R. Taylor of the History Department at this time, researching the history of the Welland Canals. She later moved to Toronto and worked for the Ministry of Education, but returned to St. Catharines in 1988 to facilitate her work with Prof. Taylor. The two have co-authored several books, including The Welland Canals: the Growth of Mr. Merritt’s Ditch; Mr. Merritt’s Ditch: A Welland Canals Album; The Great “Swivel Link”: Canada’s Welland Canal and This Great National Object: Building the Nineteenth-Century Welland Canals. Bobbie travelled extensively, visiting many canal and industrial revolution sites in Great Britain and the United States. She was active in many canal associations, including the Canadian Canal Society (where she served as president and editor of the Society’s newsletter), the American Canal Society, and the Council of Inland Waterways International. She also helped to found the Welland Canals Preservation Association and organized and chaired the 2004 World Canals Conference at Brock University. In 2009, she received the W. Gordon Plewes Award from the Canadian Society for Civil Engineering, an award that recognized her services to Canadian engineering history.

La dimensión transnacional del movimiento feminista marroquí: génesis, desarrollo e impacto social (1980-2008)

Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.

La guerra de Irak 2003: los interés ocultos de las multinacionales petroleras y su influencia en los miembros permanentes del consejo de seguridad de la ONU

El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo mostrar el vínculo que hay entre las multinacionales petroleras y las decisiones que tomaron los cinco miembros permantes del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU (China, Rusia, Francia, Estados Unidos y Reino Unido) a comienzos del año 2003. Para ello se comparara las posiciones que tomó cada Estado, respecto al proyecto de resolución de la guerra contra Irak, con los intereses de sus multinacionales petroleras. Lo anterior, con el fin de comprobar que debido al gran poder económico que tienen las petroleras, éstas ejercen influencia en las decisiones políticas que toma el Estado y, no solo influyen estatalmente sino que logran permear otros escenarios como el Consejo de Seguridad. Por ello se evaluara el papel que cumple la facultad de veto en la aprobación de resoluciones concernientes a la guerra de Irak.