Effetti degli accordi Euro-Mediterrani sul comparto dell'ortofrutta fresca

In 1995, the European Union (EU) Member States and 12 Mediterranean countries launched in Barcelona a liberalization process that aims at establishing a free trade area (to be realized by 2010) and at promoting a sustainable and balanced economic development by the adoption of a new generation of Agreements: the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements (EMA). For the Mediterranean partner countries, the main concern is a better access for their fruit and vegetable exports to the European market. These products represent the main exports of these countries, and the EU is their first trading partner. On the other side, for the EU the main issue is not only the promotion of its products, but also the protection of its fruit and vegetables producers. Moreover, the trade with third countries is the key element of the Common Market Organization of the sector. Fruit and vegetables represent a very sensitive sector since their high seasonality, high perishability, and especially since the production of the Mediterranean countries is often similar to the European Mediterranean’s countries one. In fact, the agreements define preferences at the entrance of the EU market providing limited concessions for each partner, for specific products, limited quantities and calendars. This research tries to analyze the bilateral trade volume for fresh fruit and vegetables in the European and Italian markets in order to assess the effects of Mediterranean liberalization on this sector. Free trade of agricultural products represents a very actual topic in international trade and the Mediterranean countries, recognised as big producers of fruit and vegetables, as big exporters of their crops and actually significantly present on the European market, could be high competitors with the inward production because the outlet could be the same. The goal of this study is to provide some considerations about the competitiveness of mediterranean fruit and vegetables productions after Barcelona Process, in a first step for the European market and then also for the Italian one. The aim is to discuss the influence of the euro-mediterranean agreements on the fruit and vegetables trade between 10 foreign Mediterranean countries (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Libya, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, Syria, and Turkey) and 15 EU countries in the period 1995-2007, by means of a gravity model, which is a widespread methodology in international trade analysis. The basic idea of gravity models is that bilateral trade from one country to another (as the dependent variable) can be explained by a set of factors: - factors that capture the potential of a country to export goods and services; - factors that capture the propensity of a country to imports goods and services; - any other forces that either attract or inhibit bilateral trade. This analysis compares only imports’ flows by Europe and by Italy (in volumes) from Mediterranean countries, since the exports’ flows toward those foreign countries are not significant, especially for Italy. The market of fruit and vegetables appears as a high heterogeneous group so it is very difficult to show a synthesis of the analysis performed and the related results. In fact, this sector includes the so called “poor products” (such as potatoes and legumes), and the “rich product”, such as nuts or exotic fruit, and there are a lot of different goods that arouse a dissimilar consumer demand which directly influence the import requirements. Fruit and vegetables sector includes products with extremely different biological cycles, leading to a very unlike seasonality. Moreover, the Mediterranean area appears as a highly heterogeneous bloc, including countries which differ from the others for economic size, production potential, capability to export and for the relationships with the EU. The econometric estimation includes 68 analyses, 34 of which considering the European import and 34 the Italian import and the products are examined in their aggregated form and in their disaggregated level. The analysis obtains a very high R2 coefficient, which means that the methodology is able to assess the import effects on fruit and vegetables associated to the Association Agreements, preferential tariffs, regional integration, and others information involved in the equation. The empirical analysis suggests that fruits and vegetables trade flows are well explained by some parameters: size of the involved countries (especially GDP and population of the Mediterranean countries); distances; prices of imported products; local production for the aggregated products; preferential expressed tariffs like duty free; sub-regional agreements that enforce the export capability. The euro-mediterranean agreements are significant in some of the performed analysis, confirming the slow and gradual evolution of euro- Mediterranean liberalization. The euro-mediterranean liberalization provides opportunities from one side, and imposes a new important challenge from the other side. For the EU the chance is that fruit and vegetables imported from the mediterranean area represent a support for local supply and a possibility to increase the range of products existing on the market. The challenge regards the competition of foreign products with the local ones since the types of productions are similar and markets coincide, especially in the Italian issue. We need to apply a strategy based not on a trade antagonism, but on the realization of a common plane market with the Mediterranean countries. This goal could be achieved enhancing the industrial cooperation in addition to commercial relationships, and increasing investments’ flows in the Mediterranean countries aiming at transforming those countries from potential competitors to trade partners and creating new commercial policies to export towards extra European countries.

Three Essays in Spatial Economics

This work contributes to the field of spatial economics by embracing three distinct modelling approaches, belonging to different strands of the theoretical literature. In the first chapter I present a theoretical model in which the changes in urban system’s degree of functional specialisation are linked to (i) firms’ organisational choices and firms’ location decisions. The interplay between firms’ internal communication/managing costs (between headquarters and production plants) and the cost of communicating with distant business services providers leads the transition process from an “integrated” urban system where each city hosts every different functions to a “functionally specialised” urban system where each city is either a primary business center (hosting advanced business services providers, a secondary business center or a pure manufacturing city and all this city-types coexist in equilibrium.The second chapter investigates the impact of free trade on welfare in a two-country world modelled as an international Hotelling duopoly with quadratic transport costs and asymmetric countries, where a negative environmental externality is associated with the consumption of the good produced in the smaller country. Countries’ relative sizes as well as the intensity of negative environmental externality affect potential welfare gains of trade liberalisation. The third chapter focuses on the paradox, by which, contrary to theoretical predictions, empirical evidence shows that a decrease in international transport costs causes an increase in foreign direct investments (FDIs). Here we propose an explanation to this apparent puzzle by exploiting an approach which delivers a continuum of Bertrand- Nash equilibria ranging above marginal cost pricing. In our setting, two Bertrand firms, supplying a homogeneous good with a convex cost function, enter the market of a foreign country. We show that allowing for a softer price competition may indeed more than offset the standard effect generated by a decrease in trade costs, thereby restoring FDI incentives.

Essays in Environmental Economics

This dissertation comprises four essays on the topic of environmental economics and industrial organization. In the first essay, we develop a two-country world differential game model with a polluting firm in each country to investigate the equilibrium of the game between firms when they decide to trade or not and to see under which conditions social welfare coincides with the market equilibrium. In the second essay, we built a model where firms strategically choose whether to participate in an auction/lottery to attain pollution permits, or instead invest in green R&D, to show that, somewhat counterintuitively, a desirable side effect of the auction is in fact that of fostering environmental R&D in an admissible range of the model parameters. The third essay investigates a second-best trade agreement between two countries when pollution spillovers are asymmetric to examine the strategic behavior of governments in using pollution taxes and tariffs under trade liberalization. The fouth essay studies the profitability of exogenous output constraint in a differential game model with price dynamics under the feedback strategies.

Essays in Industrial Organization

This dissertation comprises four essays on the topic of industrial organization and environmental economics. The first essay investigates the profitability of horizontal mergers of firms with price adjustments. We take a differential game approach and both the open-loop as well as the closed-loop equlibria are considered. In the second essay, using the same approach as the first one, we study the profitability of horizontal merger of firms where the demand function is nonlinear. We take into consideration the open-loop equilibrium. The third essay studies the profitability of exogenous output constraint in a differential game model with price dynamics under the feedback strategies. The fourth essay investigates a second-best trade agreement between two countries when pollution spillovers are asymmetric to examine the strategic behavior of governments in using pollution taxes and tariffs under trade liberalization.

Global Reuse and Optimal Waste Policy

Electronic waste generated from the consumption of durable goods in developed countries is often exported to underdeveloped countries for reuse, recycling and disposal with unfortunate environmental consequences. The lack of efficient disposal policies within developing nations coupled with global free trade agreements make it difficult for consumers to internalize these costs. This paper develops a two-country model, one economically developed and the other underdeveloped, to solve for optimal tax policies necessary to achieve the efficient allocation of economic resources in an economy with a durable good available for global reuse without policy measures in the underdeveloped country. A tax in the developed country on purchases of the new durable good combined with a waste tax set below the domestic external cost of disposal is sufficient for global efficiency. The implication of allowing free global trade in electronic waste is also examined, where optimal policy resembles a global deposit-refund system.

Governing the Local: Sovereignty, Social Governance and Community Safety

There has been much commentary about the re-ordering of the relations between nation state government, geographical territory, and populations in the advanced liberal democracies. This is seen as a product of: increasing demographic and cultural diversity due to legal and illegal migration; economic, cultural, and political global interdependence; footloose mobility of capital and the outsourcing of jobs to poorer countries; the growing power of international corporations and financial markets; and the growth of supra-national bodies like the European Union and The North Atlantic Free Trade Association, the World Trade Organisation, and (debatably), the UN. These developments are held to be associated with the gradual demise of the model of the increasingly secular nation state first crystallised by the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. This conception provided a mutual, guarantee of states’ jurisdiction over territory and populations through their legitimated attempts to monopolise the use of force. Though, the relations between these states have always been asymmetrical and often challenged (Hunter 1998).

On the Role of Copyright Protection in the Information Society

In January 2012, Poland witnessed massive protests, both in the streets and on the Internet, opposing ratification of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, which triggered a wave of strong anti-ACTA movements across Europe. In Poland, these protests had further far-reaching consequences, as they not only changed the initial position of the government on the controversial treaty but also actually started a public debate on the role of copyright law in the information society. Moreover, as a result of these events the Polish Ministry for Administration and Digitisation launched a round table, gathering various stakeholders to negotiate a potential compromise with regard to copyright law that would satisfy conflicting interests of various actors. This contribution will focus on a description of this massive resentment towards ACTA and a discussion of its potential reasons. Furthermore, the mechanisms that led to the extraordinary influence of the anti-ACTA movement on the governmental decisions in Poland will be analysed through the application of models and theories stemming from the social sciences. The importance of procedural justice in the copyright legislation process, especially its influence on the image of copyright law and obedience of its norms, will also be emphasised.

Enquiry into the Notion of Cultural Protectionism in the Media and its Dimensions in Cyberspace

Cultural protectionism has been an element of national and foreign policies, as an extension of state sovereignty expressed both in a defensive and offensive manner. While the generic protectionist formula in the sense of restraining trade between states through measures such as import tariffs or quotas and through privileging domestic production has somewhat disintegrated over time under the rationale for free trade and the strong practical evidence of its benefits, the particular case of cultural protectionism has persevered. As we reveal in this paper, however, it has been modified, or at least its rhetoric has changed. The enquiry into the notion of cultural protectionism or cultural diversity, as the current political jargon would have it, is but one of the paper’s objectives. Its second and certainly more ambitious goal is the search for the normative dimensions of cultural diversity policies in the global digital space, asking what adjustments are needed and how feasible the entire project of diversity regulation in this environment may be. Taking into account the specificities of cyberspace and in a forward-looking manner, we propose some adjustments to current media policy practices that could better serve the goal of a sustainably diverse cultural environment.

An Assessment of the Case for Monetary Union or Official Dollarization in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay and Venezuela

We use a data set covering the whole period of Argentina's currency board and most of that spanned by the Mercosur trade agreement to examine the case for either a Latin American monetary union or monetary union with the USA (through official dollarization). Our econometric evidence using VAR techniques indicates that macroeconomic shocks are still so highly asymmetric in Latin America and between Latin American countries and the USA as to make monetary union or official dollarization somewhat doubtful policies.

Mexico: A new heavy weight in a global world

In the last three decades, obesity has been gaining recognition as a serious public health problem in Mexico. This epidemic developed insidiously in a country that was still focused on chronic under-nutrition in the population. During that same period, macro-economic reforms projected Mexico into the global economic arena. Foreign investments, trade in goods and services, and technological transfers were promoted through participation in numerous trade agreements between Mexico and other countries. The North American Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed in 1994, promised an integrated market between the three North American countries: Canada, the United States, and Mexico. Although these trade policies were likely to have effects on the available food supply in Mexico, this association has not been elucidated. In this case study, we examine how these trade liberalization policies may have influenced the food supply in Mexico.^ Information on the trade of food commodities between the United States and Mexico and the nature of foreign investment in Mexico was compiled using public data available through American, Mexican, and other international published reports for 1986 through 2011. After the implementation of NAFTA, an increase in trade and investments was observed between Mexico and its two North American partners, but most of the trade increase occurred between the US and Mexico. Since the liberalization of trade policies between these counties, exports of fruit and vegetables into the U.S. from Mexico have increased, while exports of cereals, fats, vegetable oils, meat, dairy products and processed foods from the U.S. into Mexico have increased. During this same time period, there has been an increase in the foreign direct investment in the food industry in Mexico, as well as changes in the types and amounts of dietary energy available on a population level. Specifically, between 1990 to 2006, the dietary energy supply per person has increased 6.1% available animal protein has increased 35.8%, and available fat has increased 18.9%.^ Thus, this case study suggests that the recent changes in food-related industries through foreign direct investment and market liberalization may be likely contributors to the obesogenic food environment in Mexico. Although this initial case study provides interesting data, whether trade liberalization policies should be considered hazardous for health as a distal determinant of the obesity epidemic needs to be further examined using a more stringent study design or further follow up of the US Mexico trade data.^

La función regulatoria del Estado (regulación y prestación de servicios públicos)

El proceso de reforma del Estado experimentado en la Argentina en la década de los 90, significó tanto para las instituciones como para los ciudadanos un cambio profundo en las relaciones que hasta el momento se habían dado entre sociedad y Estado. Los principales instrumentos de este proceso: la desregulación económica, la privatización de servicios y la descentralización de funciones, significaron en su conjunto un cambio sustancial en el papel regulador del Estado, quien deja de ser el prestador, y el corrector de las fallas del mercado, para constituirse ( real o potencialmente) en el garante de su cabal funcionamiento .Sin embargo en el caso de la transferencia de los servicios públicos al sector privado en la Argentina, al haber sido el Estado, el anterior prestador monopólico de los mismos, dejó un vacío que requirió del mismo no ya desregulación sino un nuevo papel regulador, respecto de los prestadores y los usuarios de dichos servicios. En este trabajo se efectúa una descripción de los enfoques económicos y jurídicos desde los cuales se plantea la función regulatoria del Estado a partir del conjunto de leyes, decretos, resoluciones y reglamentaciones del gobierno nacional que significaron cambios importantes en el papel asignado al Estado por el Gobierno en ejercicio durante la última década.

Los extranjeros de Buenos Aires en los albores del siglo XIX : Algunos rasgos de su composición

Para el período colonial tardío, Buenos Aires era una ciudad diferente del resto de Hispanoamérica, tanto en términos de su cultura como en sus manifestaciones sociales y en su crecimiento poco común. Bastaron poco más de tres décadas para que la pequeña aldea se transformara en una pujante ciudad hispanoamericana. La clave de esta transformación estuvo dada a lo largo de todo el siglo XVIII, dado que éste fue un período de profundos cambios político-sociales y Buenos Aires no fue la excepción. La ciudad comenzó a cambiar en todos sus aspectos. En primer lugar el conflicto de la España Borbónica con Inglaterra y Portugal llevó a introducir cambios profundos en la política española para el control estricto de las colonias en los bordes del imperio. La creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata en 1776 y la extensión de la ordenanza de libre comercio dos años más tarde otorgaron un gran empuje a la ciudad. De este modo, Buenos Aires pasó a ser un activo polo de atracción tanto para los migrantes internos como para los externos del imperio español. Estos motivos provocaron mutaciones a nivel político, social y arquitectónico, dando lugar a un crecimiento único para una ciudad hispanoamericana entre 1750 y 1810

Los extranjeros de Buenos Aires en los albores del siglo XIX : Algunos rasgos de su composición

Para el período colonial tardío, Buenos Aires era una ciudad diferente del resto de Hispanoamérica, tanto en términos de su cultura como en sus manifestaciones sociales y en su crecimiento poco común. Bastaron poco más de tres décadas para que la pequeña aldea se transformara en una pujante ciudad hispanoamericana. La clave de esta transformación estuvo dada a lo largo de todo el siglo XVIII, dado que éste fue un período de profundos cambios político-sociales y Buenos Aires no fue la excepción. La ciudad comenzó a cambiar en todos sus aspectos. En primer lugar el conflicto de la España Borbónica con Inglaterra y Portugal llevó a introducir cambios profundos en la política española para el control estricto de las colonias en los bordes del imperio. La creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata en 1776 y la extensión de la ordenanza de libre comercio dos años más tarde otorgaron un gran empuje a la ciudad. De este modo, Buenos Aires pasó a ser un activo polo de atracción tanto para los migrantes internos como para los externos del imperio español. Estos motivos provocaron mutaciones a nivel político, social y arquitectónico, dando lugar a un crecimiento único para una ciudad hispanoamericana entre 1750 y 1810

Los extranjeros de Buenos Aires en los albores del siglo XIX : Algunos rasgos de su composición

Para el período colonial tardío, Buenos Aires era una ciudad diferente del resto de Hispanoamérica, tanto en términos de su cultura como en sus manifestaciones sociales y en su crecimiento poco común. Bastaron poco más de tres décadas para que la pequeña aldea se transformara en una pujante ciudad hispanoamericana. La clave de esta transformación estuvo dada a lo largo de todo el siglo XVIII, dado que éste fue un período de profundos cambios político-sociales y Buenos Aires no fue la excepción. La ciudad comenzó a cambiar en todos sus aspectos. En primer lugar el conflicto de la España Borbónica con Inglaterra y Portugal llevó a introducir cambios profundos en la política española para el control estricto de las colonias en los bordes del imperio. La creación del Virreinato del Río de la Plata en 1776 y la extensión de la ordenanza de libre comercio dos años más tarde otorgaron un gran empuje a la ciudad. De este modo, Buenos Aires pasó a ser un activo polo de atracción tanto para los migrantes internos como para los externos del imperio español. Estos motivos provocaron mutaciones a nivel político, social y arquitectónico, dando lugar a un crecimiento único para una ciudad hispanoamericana entre 1750 y 1810

Non-tariff barriers, integration and the transatlantic economy

We examine the potential impact of TTIP through trade-cost reductions, applying a mix of econometric and computational methods to develop estimates of the benefits (and costs) for the EU, United States, and third countries. Econometric results point to an approximate 80% growth in bilateral trade with an ambitious trade agreement. However, at the same time, computable general equilibrium (CGE) estimates highlight distributional impacts across countries and factors not evident from econometrics alone. Translated through our CGE framework, while bilateral trade increases roughly 80%, there is a fall of about 2.5% in trade with the rest of the world in our central case. The estimated gains in annual consumption range between 1% and 2.25% for the United States and EU, respectively. A purely discriminatory agreement would harm most countries outside the agreement, while the direction of third-country effects hinges critically on whether NTB reductions end up being discriminatory or not. Within the United States and EU, while labour gains across skill categories, the impact on farmers is mixed.