747 resultados para Education Policy|Public administration|Public policy
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For my undergraduate and graduate hospitality industry management courses, I planned to supplement frequent case study discussions and role plays with video-recorded insights from successful international and domestic hospitality managers. In these courses, numerous business topics are reviewed utilizing active learning approaches, with specific application to the hospitality industry.
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The objective of this course is to complement and give closure to the work developed during MBAD204. There are two main components to this course. The first one is to provide the students with a firsthand experience of what doing business in Spain is like. This is accomplished by visiting a number of companies and government institutions in Barcelona and interacting with managers from a variety of industries. The other major component of this trip consists in learning how to present a business proposal or market analysis before a real client.
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In Kazakhstan doctoral students are not expected to make a contribution to knowledge, as is required at Western universities. Rather, their task is to become familiar with what is known and then make policy recommendations for Kazakhstan. For example, how can the human capital in Kazakhstan be improved? This is a very broad subject for a PhD dissertation. However, it does require a holistic perspective, and such dissertation topics may create an opportunity for systems scientists. When Russell Ackoff created the Social Systems Sciences PhD program at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, he had his students solve practical problems for business or government managers. That program graduated a large number of people who became consultants. A few became academics in several countries. The program created a philosophy and methods for holistic management. Large issues in developing countries may be a source of clients for systems scientists who want to further develop philosophy, theories and methods by working with large social systems.
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Retraining the labor force to match the demands of a modem economy is seen as an important task during the transition process from a centrally-planned to a market economy. This need was particularly pressing in East Germany, because the transition process has proceeded much faster than in the rest of Eastern Europe. Therefore, substantial resources have been devoted to this purpose. This paper analyzes the impact of continuous off-the-job training in East Germany from the point of view of individuals who were part of the labor force before German unification in 1990. It tries to answer questions about the average gains from participating in a specific type of training. Typical outcomes considered to measure those gains are income, employment status, job security, and expected future changes in job position. The methodology used for the evaluation is the potential outcome approach to causality. This approach has received considerable attention in the statistical literature over the last fifteen years and it has recently been rediscovered by the econometric literature as well. It is adapted to allow for important permanent and transitory shocks, such as unemployment, which influence the decision to participate in the training as well as future labor market outcomes. The empirical part is based on the first four waves of the Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP)-East (1990-1993). This panel data set has the advantage that the fourth wave contains a special survey on continuous training and that it allows keeping track of individual behavior on a monthly, respectively yearly, basis. The econometric analysis focuses on off-the-job training courses that began after unification and were completed not later than in early 1993. Although it is obviously too early to evaluate the long-term implications, the results suggest that there are no positive effects in the short run.
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Through a case study of the diffusion of the celebrated West Gennan "dual system" of vocational training to the territory of the fonner German Democratic Republic, we develop the argument that local sociopolitical relations matter crucially for the successful transfer and implementation of institutional arrangements. Notwithstanding massive levels of government funding, the presence of complementary supports, and the concerted efforts of Germany's social partners, the dual system is experiencing significant difficulties in the new federal states of the East. These difficulties are not due simply to the particular politics of unification (the wholesale transfer of West German institutions whether or not they were appropriate to Eastern Germany) nor even simply to the paucity of dynamic private firms capable of and willing to train new apprentices. The difficulties stem also from the under lying weaknesses of the East German sociopolitical infrastructure on which the entire dual system rests. This. hy pothesis is elaborated and substantiated through a range of data on training in the East and especially through the use of detailed case studies of Leipzig and Chemrutz.
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This paper proposes a comparison of skill formation in Germany and Britain over the last decades. Taking historical trends into account, the two cases can be regarded as representing different types of skill production regimes. Institu-tional features include a relatively low degree of standardization of training and a larger amount of on-the-job training in Britain. In Germany, post-compulsory training has been conducted predominantly within the dual system of vocational training, underlining the vocational specificity of a large part of the labor market. As a consequence, international differences in individual skill investments, transitions from school to work and other life-course patterns can be observed. At least in Britain, however, the situation seems to have changed considerably during the 1990s. The paper argues that the divergence in more recent developments can still be understood as an expression of historical path-dependency given the traditional connections between the post-compulsory training system and the broader societal context in which it is embedded. These concern, in particular, links with the system of general and academic education as the basis for – and also a possible competitor with – vocational training; links with the labor market as they are indicated by specific skill requirements and returns to qualifications; and, links with the order of social stratification in the form of the selective acquisition and the social consequences of these qualifications. The links manifest themselves as typical individual-level consequences and decisions. Founded on the basis of these distinctions, the aim of this paper is to investigate the preceding conditions for recent developments in the qualification systems of Britain and Germany, which have adapted to specific challenges during the last decades.
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This report offers a comparative policy study on adult learning within the scope of complementary research conducted by Beblavý et al. (2013) on how people upgrade their skills during their adult lifetimes. To achieve our objectives, we identified regulatory policies and financial support in 11 countries for two main categories of learning: formal higher education and employer-based training. Drawing upon the results of the country reports carried out by our partners in the MoPAct project, we found that in none of the countries examined is there an ‘older student’ policy. In most cases grants and financial support are awarded only up until a certain age. In all of the countries studied, standard undergraduate and post-graduate studies are available for part-time students. The distribution of full-time students and part-time students in tertiary education varies from one country to another as well as from one age group to another. The participation in full-time tertiary education programmes decreases with the age of students. In Lithuania, Latvia, Poland and the UK, there are no mandatory policies to ensure employer-based training. However, in Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain, employer-based training is more clearly regulated and the employers might have obligations to provide training for their staff. Taking into consideration Beblavý et al. (2013), we observe that comparative differences across countries can be related to policy differences only in some cases. The policy framework seems to impact more the employer-based training than the educational attainment (upgrade of ISCED level). In Denmark, the Netherlands, Latvia, Lithuania, Czech Republic and Poland, we find a perfect match between policy outcomes and the results of Beblavý et al. (2013) related to employer-based training. This is not the case in the United Kingdom, where the two aspects observed are not correlated.
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The purpose of this study is to evaluate the size and composition of the student labour force in order to consider its potential impact on labour markets in the European Union. The paper is based on an analysis of EU Labour Force Survey data from 2011, supplemented by the findings of the EUROSTUDENT project. The structure of student labour is discussed within the framework of the so-called ‘crowding-out’ literature, which identifies competition for jobs between students and low educated non-students, particularly in the retail and wholesale sectors. In contrast to these assumptions, the authors found that, depending on the age of the student, the profile of student workers closely matches that of non-students with medium- to-high educational attainment. In general, the retail and wholesale sectors are of importance in the employment of students under the age of 25, but students typically take positions in the middle of the occupational hierarchy, rather than in the lower-grade positions. Meanwhile, older students, often professionals furthering their education while studying, are typically located in similar jobs and sectors to university graduates. A common trait of student work is its very high degree of flexibility compared to that of non-students. Nevertheless, the structure of student labour does not lead us to believe that student workers are particularly prone to be present in the precarious segment of the labour market.
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Addressing high and volatile natural resource prices, uncertain supply prospects, reindustrialization attempts and environmental damages related to resource use, resource efficiency has evolved into a highly debated proposal among academia, policy makers, firms and international financial institutions (IFIs). In 2011, the European Union (EU) declared resource efficiency as one of its seven flagship initiatives in its Europe 2020 strategy. This paper contributes to the discussions by assessing its key initiative, the Roadmap to a Resource Efficient Europe (EC 2011 571), following two streams of evaluation. In a first step, resource efficiency is linked to two theoretical frameworks regarding sustainability, (i) the sustainability triangle (consisting of economic, social and ecological dimensions) and (ii) balanced sustainability (combining weak and strong sustainability). Subsequently, both sustainability frameworks are used to assess to which degree the Roadmap follows the concept of sustainability. It can be concluded that it partially respects the sustainability triangle as well as balanced sustainability, primarily lacking a social dimension. In a second step, following Steger and Bleischwitz (2009), the impact of resource efficiency on competitiveness as advocated in the Roadmap is empirically evaluated. Using an Arellano–Bond dynamic panel data model reveals no robust impact of resource efficiency on competiveness in the EU between 2004 and 2009 – a puzzling result. Further empirical research and enhanced data availability are needed to better understand the impacts of resource efficiency on competitiveness on the macroeconomic, microeconomic and industry level. In that regard, strengthening the methodologies of resource indicators seem essential. Last but certainly not least, political will is required to achieve the transition of the EU-economy into a resource efficient future.
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No abstract.
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In the immediate aftermath of the UK EU referendum, the breakdown of results sparked talks of a generational conflict, with young people – who voted overwhelmingly to remain - being blamed for having brought Brexit on themselves with their dismally low 36% turnout. New data compiled by the London School of Economics reduces the grounds for these accusations, suggesting a 64% turnout for 18-24 year olds. While this is certainly positive, the problem of youth disengagement lingers as the 64% turnout of those aged 18-24 has to be weighed against a 90% turnout of those aged 65+. This should not come as a surprise as Britain generally has the lowest youth turnout in Europe and the last referendum confirmed a trend that is not at all new, neither in Britain nor in other European countries.
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Introdução: A Educação Inclusiva surge como um modelo de escola que fomenta o ingresso e permanência de todos os alunos em um único sistema de ensino. Particularmente, no que compete à educação física inclusiva, esta é a Educação Física Adaptada, aplicada em condições especiais, visando uma população especial que necessita de estímulos particulares de desenvolvimento motor e funcional. Objetivo geral: Compreender as práticas de ensino de Educação Física Inclusiva em escolas públicas de Maceió. Como objetivos específicos pretende-se saber o que pensam os professores e gestores pedagógicos sobre a educação inclusiva e Educação Física Inclusiva; Conhecer as estratégias e estruturas escolares para a sua implementação; Identificar a preparação dos professores para desenvolver educação física inclusiva; Saber se reconhecem benefícios na sua implementação; Descrever o apoio fornecido pela escola e município. Métodos: Estudo qualitativo de abordagem fenomenológica, realizado com uma amostra constituída por quatro professores de educação física e quatro gestores pedagógicos com idades entre 33 e 50 anos, que integravam o quadro ativo das escolas públicas do município de Maceió, Brasil, no ano de 2014. O instrumento de colheita de dados utilizado foi a entrevista semiestruturada, recorrendo-se ao método de análise de conteúdo. Resultados: Em linhas gerais os professores concordam com a escola inclusiva e apontam benefícios psicossociais e a nível do convívio social, contudo referem não possuir preparação adequada para trabalhar com alunos que têm necessidades educacionais especiais (NEE), assumindo alguns investimentos na formação contínua e na adaptação nos conteúdos e nas metodologias de ensino. A falta de material apropriado para lecionar e a situação estrutural precária que as escolas oferecem aos alunos são outros aspectos negativos que enfrentam, além deles não participarem da elaboração dos documentos legais da escola. Os gestores apontaram como principais dificuldades, a falta de apoio da secretaria municipal de educação (SEMED) para com os profissionais que trabalham diretamente com esses alunos, a falta de capacitação na área da inclusão e consequentemente o ensino fornecido por eles. Os profissionais acreditam que essa disciplina tem um papel importante no processo de inclusão dos alunos com NEE, pois contribui para a socialização, reforça a autoestima e a qualidade de vida, além de ajudar no desenvolvimento cognitivo, afetivo e psicomotor. Conclusões: O processo de inclusão ainda está caminhando a passos lentos, e particularmente nas aulas de educação física. São poucos os alunos com NEE que frequentam as escolas regulares e, menos ainda, os que participam das aulas de educação física. Entendemos que são necessárias mudanças para que a inclusão nas aulas de educação física possa realmente favorecer os alunos com NEE. Enfatizamos contudo, que a educação física não é a base para a inclusão escolar, porém, um bom acolhimento e uma boa qualidade de ensino podem ter efeitos significantes na vida desses estudantes. Palavras-chave: Inclusão Escolar. Educação Física. Necessidades Educacionais Especiais.
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Este artículo se propone analizar el Plan Integral de Edificación Escolar (PIEE) que se aprobó en la provincia de Buenos Aires en 1948. El estudio de los cambios que implicó en relación a los proyectos anteriores, y de los alcances y límites de su aplicación durante las gestiones de Domingo A. Mercante (1946-1952) y Carlos Aloé (1952-1955), permite señalar que la ejecución del plan de edificación que impactó de manera significativa en el número de establecimientos educativos fiscales, fue posible debido a una modificación en la inversión de los recursos y a la mayor intervención de las agencias estatales en la planificación de las edificaciones, relacionada con la mayor injerencia en el área educativa que adquirió el Estado provincial durante este periodo
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"HB 605 A."
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"92-113."