990 resultados para spring media
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Introduction The rapidly burgeoning popularity of cinema at the beginning of the 20th century favored industrialized modes of creativity organized around large production studios that could churn out a steady stream of narrative feature films. By the mid-1910s, a handful of Hollywood studios became leaders in the production, distribution, and exhibition of popular commercial movies. In order to serve incessant demand for new titles, the studios relied on a set of conventions that allowed them to regularize production and realize workplace efficiencies. This entailed a socialized mode of creativity that would later be adopted by radio and television broadcasters. It would also become a model for cinema and media production around the world, both for commercial and state-supported institutions. Even today the core tenets of industrialized creativity prevail in most large media enterprises. During the 1980s and 1990s, however, media industries began to change radically, driven by forces of neoliberalism, corporate conglomeration, globalization, and technological innovation. Today, screen media are created both by large-scale production units and by networked ensembles of talent and skilled labor. Moreover, digital media production may take place in small shops or via the collective labor of media users or fans who have attracted attention due to their hyphenated status as both producers and users of media (i.e., “prosumers”). Studies of screen media labor fall into five conceptual and methodological categories: historical studies of labor relations, ethnographically inspired investigations of workplace dynamics, critical analyses of the spatial and social organization of labor, and normative assessments of industrialized creativity.
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This study offers a reconstruction and critical evaluation of globalization theory, a perspective that has been central for sociology and cultural studies in recent decades, from the viewpoint of media and communications. As the study shows, sociological and cultural globalization theorists rely heavily on arguments concerning media and communications, especially the so-called new information and communication technologies, in the construction of their frameworks. Together with deepening the understanding of globalization theory, the study gives new critical knowledge of the problematic consequences that follow from such strong investment in media and communications in contemporary theory. The book is divided into four parts. The first part presents the research problem, the approach and the theoretical contexts of the study. Followed by the introduction in Chapter 1, I identify the core elements of globalization theory in Chapter 2. At the heart of globalization theory is the claim that recent decades have witnessed massive changes in the spatio-temporal constitution of society, caused by new media and communications in particular, and that these changes necessitate the rethinking of the foundations of social theory as a whole. Chapter 3 introduces three paradigms of media research the political economy of media, cultural studies and medium theory the discussion of which will make it easier to understand the key issues and controversies that emerge in academic globalization theorists treatment of media and communications. The next two parts offer a close reading of four theorists whose works I use as entry points into academic debates on globalization. I argue that we can make sense of mainstream positions on globalization by dividing them into two paradigms: on the one hand, media-technological explanations of globalization and, on the other, cultural globalization theory. As examples of the former, I discuss the works of Manuel Castells (Chapter 4) and Scott Lash (Chapter 5). I maintain that their analyses of globalization processes are overtly media-centric and result in an unhistorical and uncritical understanding of social power in an era of capitalist globalization. A related evaluation of the second paradigm (cultural globalization theory), as exemplified by Arjun Appadurai and John Tomlinson, is presented in Chapter 6. I argue that due to their rejection of the importance of nation states and the notion of cultural imperialism for cultural analysis, and their replacement with a framework of media-generated deterritorializations and flows, these theorists underplay the importance of the neoliberalization of cultures throughout the world. The fourth part (Chapter 7) presents a central research finding of this study, namely that the media-centrism of globalization theory can be understood in the context of the emergence of neoliberalism. I find it problematic that at the same time when capitalist dynamics have been strengthened in social and cultural life, advocates of globalization theory have directed attention to media-technological changes and their sweeping socio-cultural consequences, instead of analyzing the powerful material forces that shape the society and the culture. I further argue that this shift serves not only analytical but also utopian functions, that is, the longing for a better world in times when such longing is otherwise considered impracticable.
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Tämän hetken mediaympäristölle on ominaista intensiivisyys ja jatkuva läsnäolo. Medialla on merkittävä rooli myös pienten lasten jokapäiväisessä elämässä, sillä he aloittavat median säännöllisen seuraamisen keskimäärin kolmen vuoden iässä. Mediasisällöt, mediavälineet ja mediaan liittyvät sosiaaliset suhteet muodostavatkin lapsille mediaympäristön, jossa lapset rakentavat identiteettejään, oppivat sosiaalista kanssakäymistä ja kehittävät näkemyksiään yhteiskunnasta ja kulttuurista. Tutkimuksessa on selvitetty 4-6-vuotiaitten suomalaisten, englantilaisten ja saksalaisten lasten audiovisuaalisen median tulkintaa ja median roolia heidän elämässään. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on ollut syventää tutkimuksellista tietoa median sosiaalisesta ja kulttuurisesta merkityksestä pienten lasten elämässä ja sitä, miten he tulkitsevat mediasisältöä. Tutkimuksessa lasten mediasuhdetta on tarkasteltu välineellisenä, sosiaalisena, symbolisena ja kulttuurisena tulkintaympäristönä. Edellisten lisäksi tutkimuksessa on arvioitu harvemmin viestinnän tutkimuksessa käytetyn symbolisen interaktionismin teorian tarjoamia mahdollisuuksia lasten mediasuhteen tarkasteluun. Suomessa, Englannissa ja Saksassa kootun kansainvälisen aineiston pohjalta on tarkasteltu myös vertailuryhmien välillä olevia mediaan liittyviä kulttuurisia eroja. Eri vertailumaiden melko samankaltaisesta mediaympäristöstä huolimatta tutkimus antaa viitteitä mediatulkinnoissa olevista kulttuurisista eroista. Media mahdollistaa lapsen erilaistan taitojensa kehittymistä ja voi siten muodostaa heille sosiaalisia, symbolisia ja kulttuurisia resursseja, joilla on merkitystä lapsen kehittymisen kannalta. Lapsen ja median suhde on kaksisuuntainen vuorovaikutussuhde ja mediainformaation tulkinnassa ovat mukana lapsen aiemmat tiedolliset ja sosiaaliset kokemukset. Aktiivisessa mediatulkintasuhteessaan lapsi kehittää sanavarastoaan, havainnointiaan, ajatteluaan ja tunne-elämäänsä. Median käyttö sosiaalisena tapahtumana kehittää osaltaan lapsen sosiaalisia valmiuksia. Siten esimerkiksi perheen median käyttöön liittyvät säännöt ja ohjeet ohjaavat perheen sisäistä toimintaa ja määrittävät lapsen asemaa perheessä. Median sisällöt ja niihin liittyvät erilaiset oheistuotteet toimivat osaltaan lapsen kulttuuristen koodistojen ja luokittelujen muodostajana. Tutkimus osoittaa myös symbolisen interaktionismin teorian tarjoavan varsin poikkitieteellisen tutkimuksellisen viitekehyksen lapsia ja mediaa koskevalle tutkimukselle ja mahdollistaa lasten mediasuhteen tutkimisen ja ymmärtämisen useiden, erilaisten tekijöiden suhteena.
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The future of civic engagement is characterised by both technological innovation as well as new technological user practices that are fuelled by trends towards mobile, personal devices; broadband connectivity; open data; urban interfaces; and cloud computing. These technology trends are progressing at a rapid pace, and have led global technology vendors to package and sell the “Smart City” as a centralised service delivery platform predicted to optimise and enhance cities’ key performance indicators – and generate a profitable market. The top-down deployment of these large and proprietary technology platforms have helped sectors such as energy, transport, and healthcare to increase efficiencies. However, an increasing number of scholars and commentators warn of another “IT bubble” emerging. Along with some city leaders, they argue that the top-down approach does not fit the governance dynamics and values of a liberal democracy when applied across sectors. A thorough understanding is required, of the socio-cultural nuances of how people work, live, play across different environments, and how they employ social media and mobile devices to interact with, engage in, and constitute public realms. Although the term “slacktivism” is sometimes used to denote a watered down version of civic engagement and activism that is reduced to clicking a “Like” button and signing online petitions, we believe that we are far from witnessing another Biedermeier period that saw people focus on the domestic and the non-political. There is plenty of evidence to the contrary, such as post-election violence in Kenya in 2008, the Occupy movements in New York, Hong Kong and elsewhere, the Arab Spring, Stuttgart 21, Fukushima, the Taksim Gezi Park in Istanbul, and the Vinegar Movement in Brazil in 2013. These examples of civic action shape the dynamics of governments, and in turn, call for new processes to be incorporated into governance structures. Participatory research into these new processes across the triad of people, place and technology is a significant and timely investment to foster productive, sustainable, and liveable human habitats. With this article, we want to reframe the current debates in academia and priorities in industry and government to allow citizens and civic actors to take their rightful centrepiece place in civic movements. This calls for new participatory approaches for co-inquiry and co-design. It is an evolving process with an explicit agenda to facilitate change, and we propose participatory action research (PAR) as an indispensable component in the journey to develop new governance infrastructures and practices for civic engagement. We do not limit our definition of civic technologies to tools specifically designed to simply enhance government and governance, such as renewing your car registration online or casting your vote electronically on election day. Rather, we are interested in civic media and technologies that foster citizen engagement in the widest sense, and particularly the participatory design of such civic technologies that strive to involve citizens in political debate and action as well as question conventional approaches to political issues. The rationale for this approach is an alternative to smart cities in a “perpetual tomorrow,” based on many weak and strong signals of civic actions revolving around technology seen today. It seeks to emphasise and direct attention to active citizenry over passive consumerism, human actors over human factors, culture over infrastructure, and prosperity over efficiency. First, we will have a look at some fundamental issues arising from applying simplistic smart city visions to the kind of a problem a city poses. We focus on the touch points between “the city” and its civic body, the citizens. In order to provide for meaningful civic engagement, the city must provide appropriate interfaces.
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This study examines different ways in which the concept of media pluralism has been theorized and used in contemporary media policy debates. Access to a broad range of different political views and cultural expressions is often regarded as a self-evident value in both theoretical and political debates on media and democracy. Opinions on the meaning and nature of media pluralism as a theoretical, political or empirical concept, however, are many, and it can easily be adjusted to different political purposes. The study aims to analyse the ambiguities surrounding the concept of media pluralism in two ways: by deconstructing its normative roots from the perspective of democratic theory, and by examining its different uses, definitions and underlying rationalities in current European media policy debates. The first part of the study examines the values and assumptions behind the notion of media pluralism in the context of different theories of democracy and the public sphere. The second part then analyses and assesses the deployment of the concept in contemporary European policy debates on media ownership and public service media. Finally, the study critically evaluates various attempts to create empirical indicators for measuring media pluralism and discusses their normative implications and underlying rationalities. The analysis of contemporary policy debates indicates that the notion of media pluralism has been too readily reduced to an empty catchphrase or conflated with consumer choice and market competition. In this narrow technocratic logic, pluralism is often unreflectively associated with quantitative data in a way that leaves unexamined key questions about social and political values, democracy, and citizenship. The basic argument advanced in the study is that media pluralism needs to be rescued from its depoliticized uses and re-imagined more broadly as a normative value that refers to the distribution of communicative power in the public sphere. Instead of something that could simply be measured through the number of media outlets available, the study argues that media pluralism should be understood in terms of its ability to challenge inequalities in communicative power and create a more democratic public sphere.
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The possibility of applying two approximate methods for determining the salient features of response of undamped non-linear spring mass systems subjected to a step input, is examined. The results obtained on the basis of these approximate methods are compared with the exact results that are available for some particular types of spring characteristics. The extension of the approximate methods for non-linear systems with general polynomial restoring force characteristics is indicated.
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An exact expression for the frequency of a non-linear cubic spring mass system is obtained considering the effect of static deflection. An alternative expression for the approximate frequency is also obtained by the direct linearization procedure; it is shown that this is very accurate as compared with the exact method. This approximate frequency equation is used to explain a “dual behaviour” of the frequency amplitude curves.
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The four scientific articles comprising this doctoral dissertation offer new information on the presentation and construction of addiction in the mass media during the period 1968 - 2008. Diachronic surveys as well as quantitative and qualitative content analyses were undertaken to discern trends during the period in question and to investigate underlying conceptions of the problems in contemporary media presentations. The research material for the first three articles consists of a sample of 200 texts from Finland s biggest daily newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat, from the period 1968 - 2006. The fourth study examines English-language tabloid material published on the Internet in 2005 - 2008. A number of principal trends are identified. In addition to a significant increase in addiction reporting over time, the study shows that an internalisation of addiction problems took place in the media presentations under study. The phenomenon is portrayed and tackled from within the problems themselves, often from the viewpoint of the individuals concerned. The tone becomes more personal, and technical and detailed accounts are more and more frequent. Secondly, the concept of addiction is broadened. This can be dated to the 1990s. The concept undergoes a conventionalisation: it is used more frequently in a manner that is not thought to require explanation. The word riippuvuus (the closest equivalent to addiction in Finnish) was adopted more commonly in the reporting at the same time, in the 1990s. Thirdly, the results highlight individual self-governance as a superordinate principle in contemporary descriptions of addiction. If the principal demarcation in earlier texts was between us and them , it is now focused primarily on the individual s competence and ability to govern the self, to restrain and master one's behaviour. Finally, in the fourth study investigating textual constructions of female celebrities (Amy Winehouse, Britney Spears and Kate Moss) in Internet tabloids, various relations and functions of addiction problems, intoxication, body and gender were observed to function as cultural symbols. Addiction becomes a sign, or a style, that represents different significations in relation to the main characters in the tabloid stories. Tabloids, as a genre, play an important role by introducing other images of the problems than those featured in mainstream media. The study is positioned within the framework of modernity theory and its views on the need for self-reflexivity and biographies as tools for the creation and definition of the self. Traditional institutions such as the church, occupation, family etc. no longer play an important role in self-definition. This circumstance creates a need for a culture conveying stories of success and failure in relation to which the individual can position their own behaviour and life content. I propose that addiction , as a theme in media reporting, resolves the conflict that emanates from the ambivalence between the accessibility and the individualisation of consumer society, on the one hand, and the problematic behavioural patterns (addictions) that they may induce, on the other.
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The transient response spectrum of a cubic spring mass system subjected to a step function input is obtained. An approximate method is adopted where non-linear restoring force characteristic is replaced by two linear segments, so that the mean square error between them is a minimum. The effect of viscous damping on the peak response is also discussed for various values of the damping constant and the non-linearity restoring force parameter.
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The transient response of non-linear spring mass systems with Coulomb damping, when subjected to a step function is investigated. For a restricted class of non-linear spring characteristics, exact expressions are developed for (i) the first peak of the response curves, and (ii) the time taken to reach it. A simple, yet accurate linearization procedure is developed for obtaining the approximate time required to reach the first peak, when the spring characteristic is a general function of the displacement. The results are presented graphically in non-dimensional form.
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It was found that ceric oxalate is an intermediate product in the oxidation of oxalic acid by ammonium hexanitrato cerate in solvents such as acetonitrile, and a mixture of acetonitrile and glacial acetic acid. Conditions for the formation of ceric oxalate and its decomposition into carbon dioxide and cerous oxalate have been studied. An analytical method for the estimation of oxalic acid in non-aqueous media has been evolved based on this reaction.
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This article analyses support for censorship in Russia as part of the democratization process. Censorship has been an important part of Russian history and it was strengthened during the Soviet era. After the collapse of the Soviet system formal censorship was banned even though the reality has been different. Therefore it is not strange that many Russians would like to limit the freedom of the media and to censor certain topics. The views of Russians on censorship have been studied on the basis of a survey carried out in 2007. According to the results, three different dimensions of censorship were found. These dimensions include moral censorship, political censorship, and censorship of religious materials. Support for these dimensions varies on the basis of socio-demographic characteristics and media use. The article concludes that many Russians reject new phenomena, while support for the censorship of political criticism is not as high, but political censorship seems to enjoy more support among elites than among the common people.