807 resultados para Pursuit


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Lessons of Loss consists of four poems and four personal essays, each dealing with a profound loss in my life. I am forever in pursuit of the mastery of hope, and writing serves as a critical vehicle in moving me through grief towards that beacon of hope. In the most difficult times, I seek comfort from the writings of those who have endured loss with a sense of humility and grace. To express my gratitude to those who have provided me with comfort and direction, I strive to master Lessons of Loss so that someday I might provide some flicker of hope to those in search of solace.

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The pamphlet-sized manuscript includes "The Book of Harvard" signed "Joseph Cummings, scriptis, Janr 7th 1767," an untitled two-page essay beginning, "Wisdom is ye Crown of life" and ending "Draught of Knowledge, let us with a laudable ambition, strive to excel each other in an ardent pursuit of Learning, then shall we raise to ourselves a monument of honest fame, which shall perish only in ye general wreak of nature," and on the last page, "An Accrostick" beginning "Jangling & Discord are thy Souls delight" and spelling out JAMES MITCHEL VARNUM dated July 3, 1767 and signed "The 3d edition revised & improved by Gove & Fogg."

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Tese de doutoramento, Educação (Formação de Adultos), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2016

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Ce travail de recherche s’est intéressé aux mères adolescentes du Gabon, pays d’Afrique Centrale. S’inscrivant en faux contre l’idée préconçue selon laquelle les grossesses à l’adolescence conduisent inéluctablement au décrochage scolaire, les résultats de recherche présentés dans ce document rendent plutôt compte d’expériences inverses, à savoir celles des mères adolescentes qui parviennent à persévérer dans leurs études. Le présent mémoire vise à comprendre et à analyser le vécu des jeunes filles mères scolarisées. Il questionne le parcours de vie de ces « mamans ados » et conséquemment les mécanismes qui leur permettent de concilier études et maternité. La démarche repose sur une méthode qualitative. Des entretiens semi-directifs auprès de 18 jeunes filles mères scolarisées ont été conduits à Libreville, capitale gabonaise. Les jeunes filles rencontrées étaient âgées de 15 à 19 ans. Les entrevues ont été enregistrées et retranscrites. Quels sont les facteurs favorisant la conciliation études/maternité chez les jeunes filles ? Nos données ont permis de mettre en évidence quatre facteurs cruciaux à cet égard. Ces facteurs sont premièrement, une capacité d’organisation et un degré d’auto-responsabilisation très poussés chez ces jeunes filles ; deuxièmement, l’activation d’un soutien important de la part du réseau familial ; troisièmement, une implication et des aides importantes apportées par le père de l’enfant ; enfin, une valorisation affirmée de l’éducation de la part des parents de la jeune mère. Il ressort aussi de nos analyses que moyennant au moins l’un, sinon plusieurs, de ces facteurs, les jeunes mères adolescentes à Libreville parviennent à mener de front études et maternité. Cela veut dire que le décrochage scolaire chez les mères adolescentes n’est pas une fatalité si des formes d’accompagnement et de soutien existent.

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Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine have created a new context for Kazakhstan’s foreign and domestic policy. The ongoing crisis in the relations with Russia and the West has also changed the current order in the entire post-Soviet area. From Astana’s perspective, the Kremlin’s policy towards Ukraine can be considered dangerous since it shows Russia’s determination to interfere with the domestic affairs of its neighbours in the pursuit of its own interests. Furthermore, this policy reveals and raises the price a country needs to pay for its potential attempts to break free from the Russian zone of influence. At present the biggest challenge for the authorities in Astana is the accelerated implementation of the idea of the Eurasian Union promoted by Moscow, which is to be another stage in the integration of post-Soviet states (presently Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus). The signing of the Eurasian Union’s founding documents planned for late May 2014 and the launch of this organisation (scheduled for January 2015) is sure to bring Kazakhstan closer to Russia and simultaneously limit its economic and political independence. Nevertheless, Astana’s position in relations with Moscow will to a large extent depend on the new shape of the relations between Russia and China. China is pursuing its own strategic interests in Central Asia (including in the energy sector) and its main partner in the region is Kazakhstan. At the domestic level, Russia’s actions in Ukraine made the authorities in Astana fear that measures similar to those used in Ukraine could be applied towards Kazakhstan. On the one hand this has led to increased efforts aimed at consolidating the state and strengthening its structures, and on the other hand it has brought about a revision of those aspects of domestic policy which Russia could interpret as a pretext for interfering.

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At the height of the financial crisis, the Western welfare state prevented a repeat of the Great Depression. But there were also suggestions that social policy had contributed to the crisis, particularly by promoting households’ access to credit in pursuit of welfare goals. Others claim that it was the withdrawal of state welfare that led to the disaster. Against this background that motivated our interest, we propose a systematic way of assessing the relationship between financial market and public welfare provisions. We use structural vector auto-regression to establish the causal link and its direction. Two hypotheses about this relationship can be inferred from the literature. First, the notion that welfare states ‘decommodify’ livelihoods or that there is an equity-efficiency tradeoff would suggest that welfare states substitute to varying degrees for financial market offers of insurance and savings. By contrast, welfare states may support private interests selectively and/or help markets for households to function better; thus the nexus would be one of complementarity. Our empirical strategy is to spell out the causal mechanisms that can account for a substitutive or complementary relationship and then to see whether advanced econometric techniques find evidence for the existence of either of these mechanisms in six OECD countries. We find complementarity between public welfare (spending and tax subsidies) and life insurance markets for four out of our six countries, notably even for the United States. Substitution between welfare and finance is the more plausible interpretation for France and the Netherlands, which is surprising. Data availability constrains us from testing the implications for the welfare state contribution to the crisis directly but our findings suggest that the welfare state cannot generally be blamed for the financial crisis.

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On 29 November 2012, the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) voted overwhelmingly to accord Palestine ‘Non-Member Observer State’ Status in the UN. In the first part of this Policy Brief, the implications of upgrading the status of Palestine with regard to the possible role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) will be assessed. In April 2012, the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC declined to accept jurisdiction for acts committed on the territory of Palestine since 1 July 2002, justifying its decision based on the fact that Palestine had, at the time, only the status of an ‘Observer Entity’ at the UN. Subsequently, it will be analysed if the Palestinian pursuit of its cause before the ICC can be considered as an effective lawfare strategy or rather as a poisoned chalice.

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It is striking that there is little or no mention in the TTIP debate so far of the US-EU Mutual Recognition Agreement (MRA) concluded in 1998. At the time, expectations of the gains from the MRA were high. One should expect the MRA to be instructive for TTIP and entail some lessons to be learned for today’s attempt to lower technical barriers to trade (TBTs) across the North Atlantic. We offer an analysis of the 1998 MRA, the difficulties in the prior negotiations and those during the implementation phase, the subsequent and present status of sectoral approaches. The MRA experience revealed clearly how difficult it is to accomplish the acceptance of all relevant aspects of conformity assessment of the trading partner for the mere purpose of testing and certifying export goods on the requirements of the importing economy. The MRA has succeeded only in a few sectors. However, the ambition in TTIP with respect to TBTs is said to go so much further. It is therefore important for all those involved or interested in TTIP to learn the lessons of this early exercise in lowering TBT costs. This paper reaches two main conclusions: i) the US-EU MRA was only partially successful and only for some one-fifth of the export flows at the time: a disappointing outcome and a far cry from the expectations of business and political leaders; and ii) the EU’s attempt to ‘balance’ the negotiations in 1995 by bringing in three relatively competitive sectors did not work out – it was precisely there that problems accumulated. It is critical that domestic regulators must be satisfied during and after the negotiations that their pursuit of health, safety, environment and consumer protection objectives will not be watered down in any way. Lessons drawn include, among others: MRAs are not about regulatory change (by definition), but if initial regulatory cleavages between trading partners are too wide, conditions become so restrictive that parties may regard them as a denial of the very purpose of the MRA. There are incentives to opt for alternatives in the market for the formalised designation of conformity assessment bodies in the MRA and these are often cheaper and faster, while equally qualified. Even in heavily regulated sectors such as medicines and medical devices, the narrow MRA has been superseded by near-global forms of effective cost-reducing cooperative (i.e. not treaty-based) regulatory alignment, a confirmation of the OECD approach that governments should think in terms of an entire spectrum of forms of regulatory cooperation.

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On June 15, 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker, the lead candidate of the European People’s Party, was elected President of the European Commission, with the support of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and some of the European Socialists and Greens. Amid unprecedented Euroscepticism, the media and many pundits predicted a record-low voter turnout and record-high results for Europhobic parties. The aforementioned parties then decided that the political outcome of these 2014 European elections would also be unprecedented. For the first time in EU history, the European political parties agreed to nominate candidates to chair the institution, which they justified by putting forward Article 17 of the Lisbon Treaty. The European Parliament has often characteristically used political discourse - the logos, to influence the EU’s institutional framework, even though it entails grappling with Member States. It took the form of reports and resolutions, like the official use of the phrase “European Parliament” in 1962, direct universal suffrage elections in 1975 and a European Union in 1984. Nominating contenders to chair the European Commission is no exception. It requires a specific political discourse whose origins can be traced back to the early years of the European Parliament, when it was still the “Common Assembly”. This political discourse is one of the elements thanks to which the European Parliament acquired visibility and new prerogatives, in pursuit of its legitimacy. However, the executive branch in all member states is not intent on yielding such prerogatives to the European Parliament. As a matter of fact, the European Parliament has often ended up strengthening the heads of state and governments, since MEPs are forced to resort to self-discipline. The symbolic significance of its logos and, consequently, its own politicisation as a source of legitimacy, is thus undermined. For instance, in 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker’s election actually strengthened German Chancellor Angela Merkel. First she questioned the fact that the candidate whose party holds the parliamentary majority after the election should be appointed President of the Commission. Then she seemed strongly intent on democratising the Union, when she confronted David Cameron, who openly opposed Juncker, believed to be too federalist and old-fashioned a candidate. By doing so, she eventually reduced the symbolic dimension of the European Parliament’s initiative, and Juncker’s election. She also unquestionably embodied EU leadership. This paper aims at analysing Juncker’s election to the Presidency of the European Commission, as well as other questions it raises. In the first part, I lay out some thoughts about the sociohistorical context of voting in European elections in order to make the readers understand why the European Parliament should be bolder. Secondly, I try to explain how the European Parliament has used the logos as a weapon to grapple with member states for more power, as was the case during the 2014 European elections. Last but not least, I seek to show how Angela Merkel got hold of that weapon and took advantage of it, thus proving that despite MEPs’ best efforts, Juncker’s task will be all the more complicated as he was not the consensual candidate of all the governments.

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There is a puzzling, little-remarked contradiction in scholarly views of the European Commission. On the one hand, the Commission is seen as the maestro of European integration, gently but persistently guiding both governments and firms toward Brussels. On the other hand, the Commission is portrayed as a headless bunch of bickering fiefdoms who can hardly be bothered by anything but their own in­ ternecine turf wars. The reason these very different views of the same institution have so seldom come into conflict is quite apparent: EU studies has a set of relatively autonomous and poorly integrated sub­ fields that work at different levels of analysis. Those scholars holding the "heroic" view of the Com­ mission are generally focused on the contest between national and supranational levels that character­ ized the 1992 program and subsequent major steps toward European integration. By contrast, those scholars with the "bureaucratic politics" view are generally authors of case studies or legislative his­ tories of individual EU directives or decisions. However, the fact that these twO images of the Commis­ sion are often two ships passing in the night hardly implies that there is no dispute. Clearly both views cannot be right; but then, how can we explain the significant support each enjoys from the empirical record? The CommiSSion, perhaps the single most important supranational body in the world, certainly deserves better than the schizophrenic interpretation the EU studies community has given it. In this paper, I aim to make a contribution toward the unraveling of this paradox. In brief, the argument I make is as follows: the European Commission can be effective in pursuit of its broad integration goals in spite of, and even because of, its internal divisions. The folk wisdom that too many chefs spoil the broth may often be true, but it need not always be so. The paper is organized as follows. 1 begin with an elaboration of the theoretical position briefly out­ lined above. 1 then tum to a case study from the major Commission efforts to restructure the computer industry in the context of its 1992 program. The computer sector does not merely provide interesting, random illustrations of the hypothesis 1 have advanced. Rather, as Wayne Sandholtz and John Zysman have stressed, the Commission's efforts on informatics formed one of the most crucial parts of the en­ tire 1992 program, and so the Commission's success in "Europeanizing" these issues had significant ripple effects across the entire European political economy. I conclude with some thoughts on the fol­ lowing question: now that the Commission has succeeded in bringing the world to its doorstep, does its bureaucratic division still serve a useful purpose?

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The European Union has prioritised the pursuit of innovation based growth and targeting of resources to promote research and development, but performance on innovation remains weak.With the lack of results comes fatigue, waning interest and mounting criticism about policy. Should the EU abandon its ambition to become the most innovative region in the world?We examine EU member state research and innovation policies. We assess whether the deployment of innovation policy instruments in EU countries matches their innovation capacity performance relative to other EU countries.We find a relative homogeneity of policy mixes in EU countries, despite the fairly wide and stable differences in their innovation capacities.Our analysis therefore provides a rationale for a more comprehensive review of innovation policy mixes to assess their adequacy in addressing country specific innovation challenges.

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Introdução: as tentativas de suicídio são uma das causas mais frequentes de atendimento nos serviços de urgência no Brasil. Poucos estudos abordam as características epidemiológicas das tentativas de suicídio, principalmente na região nordeste. Diante da importância de se conhecer as características das tentativas de suicídio e propor estratégias de minimização é que o presente estudo caracterizou o perfil sociodemográfico das pessoas que tentaram suicídio em Arapiraca – AL, no período de 2009 a 2013. Metodologia: Trata-se de um estudo descritivo de série histórica, com dados obtidos através da ficha de notificação/ investigação individual de Intoxicação Exógena do SINAN, de pacientes que foram atendidos no serviço de urgência e emergência da Unidade de Emergência Doutor Daniel Houly em Arapiraca. Foram analisadas as seguintes variáveis das tentativas de suicídios: faixa etária, sexo, raça, idade gestacional, zona de residência, vínculo empregatício, agente tóxico, hospitalização e evolução. Resultados: Do ano de 2009 a 2013 o total de atendidos por tentativas de suicídios na referida unidade foi de 1.184 indivíduos, sendo 71,54% do sexo feminino e 28,46% do sexo masculino. A faixa etária de maior frequência foi à de 20-29 anos, correspondendo a 33 % e a raça parda foi a que apresentou maior número de casos, 21% (n= 239). Em relação à residência 77% (n = 922) dos casos residiam em zona urbana, e o principal agente tóxico utilizado nas tentativas de suicídio, foi a ingestão medicamentosa (n = 822, 72%). Cerca de 73% (n=865) tiveram que ser hospitalizados e 95% tiveram tratamento adequado, evoluindo para cura. Conclusão: A partir dos dados foi possível traçar o perfil sociodemográfico das tentativas de suicídio, alcançando os objetivos propostos. A discussão do tema bem como a implementação da educação em saúde se constituem em elementos primordiais para a identificação dos sujeitos com ideação suicida e a busca da evitabilidade de novos casos. Ações de vigilância são necessárias para minimizar as taxas de suicídio, bem como a formação e articulação de rede de assistência no agreste alagoano. Ainda ressalta-se a necessidade de mais estudos com a população que apresenta comportamento suicida no município. Palavras-chave: Tentativa de Suicídio. Saúde Pública. Saúde Mental.

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Ce travail de recherche s’est intéressé aux mères adolescentes du Gabon, pays d’Afrique Centrale. S’inscrivant en faux contre l’idée préconçue selon laquelle les grossesses à l’adolescence conduisent inéluctablement au décrochage scolaire, les résultats de recherche présentés dans ce document rendent plutôt compte d’expériences inverses, à savoir celles des mères adolescentes qui parviennent à persévérer dans leurs études. Le présent mémoire vise à comprendre et à analyser le vécu des jeunes filles mères scolarisées. Il questionne le parcours de vie de ces « mamans ados » et conséquemment les mécanismes qui leur permettent de concilier études et maternité. La démarche repose sur une méthode qualitative. Des entretiens semi-directifs auprès de 18 jeunes filles mères scolarisées ont été conduits à Libreville, capitale gabonaise. Les jeunes filles rencontrées étaient âgées de 15 à 19 ans. Les entrevues ont été enregistrées et retranscrites. Quels sont les facteurs favorisant la conciliation études/maternité chez les jeunes filles ? Nos données ont permis de mettre en évidence quatre facteurs cruciaux à cet égard. Ces facteurs sont premièrement, une capacité d’organisation et un degré d’auto-responsabilisation très poussés chez ces jeunes filles ; deuxièmement, l’activation d’un soutien important de la part du réseau familial ; troisièmement, une implication et des aides importantes apportées par le père de l’enfant ; enfin, une valorisation affirmée de l’éducation de la part des parents de la jeune mère. Il ressort aussi de nos analyses que moyennant au moins l’un, sinon plusieurs, de ces facteurs, les jeunes mères adolescentes à Libreville parviennent à mener de front études et maternité. Cela veut dire que le décrochage scolaire chez les mères adolescentes n’est pas une fatalité si des formes d’accompagnement et de soutien existent.

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[Cecil Pryor #55 and Henry Hill #39 in pursuit]

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Mode of access: Internet.