O conceito assunto na arquivística: uma reflexão em arquivos permanentes a partir do evento - I soggetti e altri apparati di indicizzazione in archivistica: ipotesi di lavoro

Pós-graduação em Ciência da Informação - FFC

A medicalização do social: um estudo sobre a prescrição de psicofármacos na rede pública de saúde

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A desmaterialização do espaço: um estudo das interfaces entre a produção ficcional e as teorias da pós-modernidade

Pós-graduação em Estudos Literários - FCLAR

Theodor Adorno e Hannah Arendt: confluências no campo da filosofia da educação

The aim of this paper is to analyze the confluences between the thinking of philosophers Theodor Adorno and Hannah Arendt in critiquing totalitarianism and fascism in the post-World War II period. Looking for approximation between the works of both philosophers, the most relevant aspects of this criticism for the philosophy of education will be explicited.

Análise dos acidentes automobilísticos atendidos no Hospital das Clínicas no ano de 2010, Botucatu

As a result of the 20th-century industrial development, and particularly after World War II, cars have become an important consumer good, and this has led to a large number of circulating vehicles. To this day, the number of cars has increased exponentially worldwide, which results in a high number of traffic accidents (TAs) every day. TAs are responsible for 1.2 million deaths worldwide each year, and in Brazil, they are considered to be a public health problem, considering that its traffic is regarded as one of the worst and most dangerous in the world. In addition to temporary or permanent physical disabilities that bring great harm to individuals, accidents also cause psychological disorders, such as the post-traumatic stress disorder. Hence, considering the importance of TAs in the country and their outcomes, this study aimed at investigating the epidemiological aspects of car accidents occurring in 2010 who were assisted in the emergency room of a university hospital in São Paulo state. By means of records made by the nursing team and medical records analysis, it was possible to extract a stratified sample of 88 cases involving adults and eight cases involving children. The sample was analyzed by the SAS software for Windows, version 9.2. As regards the accidents involving adults, there was a predominance of males (67%), with an approximate 2:1 ratio in relation to females. The victims’ most frequent age range was 20-29 years (39%), and they were mostly single (56%). The month showing the largest number of occurrences was July, with 17%, and the weekday was Sunday, with 25%. Showing 32%, the time period when most accidents occurred was from 06:00 o’clock p.m. to 11:59 p.m. As regards vehicles types involved, motorcycles were in first place, with 47% of cases, and the most common accident type was crashing between vehicles, with 43%... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Absurdo e censura na cena portuguesa: estudo do teatro de Prista Monteiro

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Charles Lonergan Cobb Papers - Accession 11

The Charles Lonergan Cobb Papers consists mainly of correspondence but also includes photographs, biographical material, magazine and newspaper clippings, all relating to Cobb's career as a banker at People's National Bank( 1905-1949); and the People's National Bank and Trust Company(1949-1953) in Rock Hill, SC as well as his association with Winthrop College as a Board of Trustees' member(1938-1953). Subjects include, railroad cotton shipping service to South Carolina mill towns, crop loans in the early 1920s, location of the Celanese Chemical Plant in Rock Hill, the Winthrop College Board of Trustees, and a1946 article about Cobb that appeared in the Saturday Evening Post.

Hutchison Family Papers - Accession 19

The Hutchison Family Papers consist of diaries, journals, speeches, correspondence, genealogical material and financial papers, concerning the personal and business affairs of a Rock Hill family. Subjects include post-colonial life in the Carolinas, the antebellum plantation system in South Carolina, post-Civil War cotton farming, especially the Rock Hill Cotton Mill, and Rock Hill during World War I. There is also material concerning relations and negotiations with the Catawba Indians by David Hutchison who was one of several commissioners designated by the South Carolina legislature to investigate Catawba land claims and leasing practices; and historical sketches of Glencairn Garden, the White House and the Oakland Avenue Presbyterian Church, all located in Rock Hill, South Carolina. There are also included in the “General Correspondence and Related Papers” series such records as: last will and testament, inventory lists, certificates of indentured servants, legislative acts, (eg. 1840 Treaty with the Catawba Indians) and other similar documents. Correspondents include Jude Grimke, A.E. Hutchison, David Hutchison, Hiram Hutchison, James Moore, John N. Morehead and Thomas Spratt.

Conservazione e ricostruzione dei tessuti storici dal secondo dopoguerra agli anni settanta. Teoria e prassi del restauro nell'opera del soprintendente Alfredo Barbacci

Il Soprintendente Alfredo Barbacci fu uomo di poliedrica formazione, perito nell’uso di metodiche innovative di restauro ed esperto delle tecniche di ricomposizione delle forme architettoniche dei complessi monumentali, danneggiati dai bombardamenti del secondo conflitto mondiale. Quel che, questo studio ha inteso indagare e comprendere, attraverso un approccio critico, sostanziato dalle carte d’archivio, è fondamentalmente il contributo, da egli ha offerto circa la valenza storica e architettonica del tessuto connettivo di base della città, da cui si originava - negli anni della sua attività - l’idea ancora inedita di un bene culturale e sociale nuovo: il centro storico tutto, con annessi monumenti, complessi architettonici nobili ed edilizia minore, di base. Dando avvio all’analisi sistematica delle teorie e della prassi di Alfredo Barbacci e alla lettura puntuale dei suoi scritti, sono stati razionalizzati il significato, le valenze e le implicazioni del termine edilizia minore all’interno del più ampio contesto del restauro dell’edilizia monumentale e alla luce degli elementi di tendenza, portati all’attenzione dal dibattito delle diverse scuole di pensiero sul restauro, a partire dai primi anni del sec. XX fino agli anni Settanta dello scorso secolo. Concretamente vi si evidenziano interessanti intuizioni e dichiarazioni, afferenti la necessità di un restauro del tipo integrato, da intendersi come strumento privilegiato di intervento sul tessuto nobile e meno nobile della città antica. Al termine della sua carriera, il contributo del Soprintendente Barbacci al dibattito scientifico si documenta da sé, nella compilazione a sua firma di quella parte della Relazione Franceschini, in cui si dava proposta di un corpo normativo alla necessità di guardare alla città storica come a un bene culturale e sociale, insistendo come al suo interno era d’uopo mantenere, nel corso di interventi restaurativi, un razionale equilibrio tra monumento ed edilizia minore già storicizzata e che non escludesse anche l’apparato paesaggistico di contorno.

"The sound of democracy - the sound of freedom" - Jazz-Rezeption in Deutschland (1945 - 1963)

Im Mittelpunkt der Studie "The Sound of Democracy - the Sound of Freedom". Jazzrezeption in Deutschland (1945 - 1963) steht ein Korpus von 16 Oral-History-Interviews mit Zeitzeugen der deutschen Jazzszene. Interviewt wurden Musiker ebenso wie bildende Künstler, Journalisten, Clubbesitzer und Jazzfans, die die Jazzszene in den 1950ern bildeten. Die Interviews werden in einen Kontext zeitgenössischer Quellen gestellt: Zeitschriftenartikel (hauptsächlich aus dem "Jazz Podium" ebenso wie Radiomanuskripte des Bayerischen Rundfunks.rnDie Ausgangsüberlegung ist die Frage, was der Jazz für sein Publikum bedeutete, mit anderen Worten, warum wählte eine studentische, sich selbst als elitär wahrnehmende Schicht aus dem großen Fundus an kulturellen Ausdrucksformen, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg aus den USA nach Deutschland strömten, ausgerechnet den Jazz als persönliche Ausdrucksform? Worin bestand seine symbolische Strahlkraft für diese jungen Menschen?rnIn Zusammenhang mit dieser Frage steht die Überlegung: In welchem Maße wurde Jazz als dezidiert amerikanische Ausdrucksform wahrgenommen und welche Amerikabilder wurden durch den Jazz transportiert? Wurde Jazz bewusst als Werkzeug der Besatzer zur demokratischen Umerziehung des deutschen Volkes eingesetzt und wenn ja, in welcher Form, beziehungsweise in welchem Maß? Wie stark war die Symbolleistung und metaphorische Bedeutung des Jazz für das deutsche Publikum und in welchem Zusammenhang steht die Symbolleistung des Jazz mit der Symbolleistung der USA als Besetzungs- bzw. Befreiungsmacht? rn

Last stop expulsion - The minority question and forced migration in East-Central Europe: 1918-49

This article deals with the European minorities in the period between the two world wars and with their final expulsion from nation-states at the end of World War II. First, the tensions which arose between the organised minorities and the successor states of the Habsburg Monarchy are accounted for primarily by the argument that the various minorities located within the successor states had already undergone a comprehensive processes of nationalisation within the Habsburg Empire. Therefore they were able to resist assimilation by the political elites of the new titular nations (Czechs, Poles, Rumanians, Serbs). A second topic is that of the use made of the minorities issue by Adolf Hitler to help achieve his expansionist aims. The minorities issue was central to the international destabilisation of interwar Europe. Finally, the mass expulsion of minorities (above all, Germans) after the end of the war is explained by strategic considerations on the part of the Allied powers as well as involving the nation-state regimes. It is argued, against a commonly held view, that German atrocities during the period of occupation had little to do with the decision to expel most ethnic Germans from their territories of settlement in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The article shows that it is necessary to treat national minorities in the first half of the twentieth century as a single phenomenon which shares similar features across the various nation-states of East-Central Europe.

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

The Representation of Motherhood in Polish Cinema

The project aimed to analyse representations of motherhood in Polish cinema as a special case of a more general system within the representation of women. It concentrated on the image of the Polish Mother created during the 19th century in Polish culture under the influence of specific political, social and religious factors. Ms. Ostrowska's initial hypothesis was that this symbolic image became one of the most stable elements in Polish cinema and as her research revealed, it was valuable for the preservation of national identity but nevertheless a fiercely constraining model for Polish femininity. In order to fully understand the nature of this persistent image it was initially necessary to related it to broader contexts and issues in representation. These included the image of the Polish Mother within general mythological structures (using the notion of myth in the Barthesian sense). Following her initial research Ms. Ostrowska felt that it was most appropriate to view the myth of the Polish Mother as a dominant ideological structure in the discourse of motherhood within Polish culture. An analysis of the myth of the Polish Mother can provide an insight into how Polish society sees itself at different periods in time and how a national identity was constructed in relation to particular ideological demands stemming from concrete historical and political situations. The analysis of the film version of this myth also revealed some aspects of the national character of Polish cinema. There the image of woman has become enshrined as the "eternal feminine", with virtues which are inevitably derived directly from Catholicism, particularly in relation to the networks of meanings around the central figure of Mary, Mother of God. In 19th century Poland these were linked with patriotic values and images of woman became part of the defence of the very idea of Poland and Polishness. After World War Two, this religious-political image system was adapted to the demands of the new communist ideology. The possibility of manipulating the ideological dimensions of the myth of the Polish Mother is due to the very nature of the image, which as a symbol of civil religion had been able to function independently of any particular state or church institution. Although in communist ideology the stress was on the patriotic aspect of the myth, its pronounced religious aspect was also transmitted, consciously or not, in the denotation process, this being of great significance in the viewer's response to the female character. This appropriation of elements derived from the national patriotic tradition into the discourse of communist ideology was a very efficient strategy to establish the illusion of continuity in national existence, which was supposed to convince society of the rightness of the new political situation. The analysis of films made in the post-war period showed the persistence of this discourse on motherhood in a range of cinematic texts regardless of the changing political situation. Ms. Ostrowska claims that the stability of this discursive formation is to a certain extent the result of the mythological aspect of the mother figure. This mythological structure also belongs to the ideology of Romanticism which in general continues to prevail in Polish cultural discourse as a meta-language of national community. The analysis of the films confirmed the hypothesis of the Polish Mother as a myth-sign whose signifier is stable whereas the signified depends on the specific historical conditions in which it is set. Therefore in the famous propaganda documentary Kobiety naszych dni (Women of Our Days, 1951) by Jan Zelnik, and in other films made after the October 1956 "thaw" it functions as an "empty sign. She concludes that it would be difficult to deny that the myth of the Polish Mother has offered Polish women a special role in national life, granting them a high moral position in the social, hierarchy. However the processes of idealisation involved have resulted in a deprivation of her subjectivity and the right to decide about her own life. This idealisation also served to strengthen traditional patriarchal structures through this set of female obligations to the mother land. In Polish ideology it is not a man who demands sacrifice from a woman but the motherland, which, deprived of the institutions of male power for nearly 150 years, had functioned as a feminine structure. That is why oppressive aspects of the myth have been obscured for so long. While Polish women were doubtless able to accept the constrictions because of their sense of national duty and any misgivings were overridden by the argument of the cause, it is important to recognise that the strength of these constructions, compounded by the ways in which they spoke of and continue to speak of a certain perfection, make them persist into contemporary Poland. Poland is however no longer embattled and the signs that made these meanings are potentially empty. This space for meaning will be and is already being contested and increasingly colonised by current western models of femininity. Ms. Ostrowska's final question is whether this will help to prevent a possible resentful victimisation of the silent and noble Polish Mother.

Past is Prologue: Montana’s Historic Women’s Movement Re-emerges in the Progressive 1970s -- Dorothy Bradley, Marilyn Wessel & Jane Jelinski “In the Crucible of Change”

One-hundred years ago, in 1914, male voters in Montana (MT) extended suffrage (voting rights) to women six years before the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution was ratified and provided that right to women in all states. The long struggle for women’s suffrage was energized in the progressive era and Jeanette Rankin of Missoula emerged as a leader of the campaign; in 1912 both major MT political party platforms supported women suffrage. In the 1914 election, 41,000 male voters supported woman suffrage while nearly 38,000 opposed it. MT was not only ahead of the curve on women suffrage, but just two years later in 1916 elected Jeanette Rankin as the first woman ever elected to the United States Congress. Rankin became a national leader for women's equality. In her commitment to equality, she opposed US entry into World War I, partially because she said she could not support men being made to go to war if women were not allowed to serve alongside them. During MT’s initial progressive era, women in MT not only pursued equality for themselves (the MT Legislature passed an equal pay act in 1919), but pursued other social improvements, such as temperance/prohibition. Well-known national women leaders such as Carrie Nation and others found a welcome in MT during the period. Women's role in the trade union movement was evidenced in MT by the creation of the Women's Protective Union in Butte, the first union in America dedicated solely to women workers. But Rankin’s defeat following her vote against World War I was used as a way for opponents to advocate a conservative, traditionalist perspective on women's rights in MT. Just as we then entered a period in MT where the “copper collar” was tightened around MT economically and politically by the Anaconda Company and its allies, we also found a different kind of conservative, traditionalist collar tightened around the necks of MT women. The recognition of women's role during World War II, represented by “Rosie the Riveter,” made it more difficult for that conservative, traditionalist approach to be forever maintained. In addition, women's role in MT agriculture – family farms and ranches -- spoke strongly to the concept of equality, as farm wives were clearly active partners in the agricultural enterprises. But rural MT was, by and large, the bastion of conservative values relative to the position of women in society. As the period of “In the Crucible of Change” began, the 1965 MT Legislature included only three women. In 1967 and 1969 only one woman legislator served. In 1971 the number went up to two, including one of our guests, Dorothy Bradley. It was only after the Constitutional Convention, which featured 19 women delegates, that the barrier was broken. The 1973 Legislature saw 9 women elected. The 1975 and 1977 sessions had 14 women legislators; 15 were elected for the 1979 session. At that time progressive women and men in the Legislature helped implement the equality provisions of the new MT Constitution, ratified the federal Equal Rights Amendment in 1974, and held back national and local conservatives forces which sought in later Legislatures to repeal that ratification. As with the national movement at the time, MT women sought and often succeeded in adopting legal mechanisms that protected women’s equality, while full equality in the external world remained (and remains) a treasured objective. The story of the re-emergence of Montana’s women’s movement in the 1970s is discussed in this chapter by three very successful and prominent women who were directly involved in the effort: Dorothy Bradley, Marilyn Wessel, and Jane Jelinski. Their recollections of the political, sociological and cultural path Montana women pursued in the 1970s and the challenges and opposition they faced provide an insider’s perspective of the battle for equality for women under the Big Sky “In the Crucible of Change.” Dorothy Bradley grew up in Bozeman, Montana; received her Bachelor of Arts Phi Beta Kappa from Colorado College, Colorado Springs, in 1969 with a Distinction in Anthropology; and her Juris Doctor from American University in Washington, D.C., in 1983. In 1970, at the age of 22, following the first Earth Day and running on an environmental platform, Ms. Bradley won a seat in the 1971 Montana House of Representatives where she served as the youngest member and only woman. Bradley established a record of achievement on environmental & progressive legislation for four terms, before giving up the seat to run a strong second to Pat Williams for the Democratic nomination for an open seat in Montana’s Western Congressional District. After becoming an attorney and an expert on water law, she returned to the Legislature for 4 more terms in the mid-to-late 1980s. Serving a total of eight terms, Dorothy was known for her leadership on natural resources, tax reform, economic development, and other difficult issues during which time she gained recognition for her consensus-building approach. Campaigning by riding her horse across the state, Dorothy was the Democratic nominee for Governor in 1992, losing the race by less than a percentage point. In 1993 she briefly taught at a small rural school next to the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation. She was then hired as the Director of the Montana University System Water Center, an education and research arm of Montana State University. From 2000 - 2008 she served as the first Gallatin County Court Administrator with the task of collaboratively redesigning the criminal justice system. She currently serves on One Montana’s Board, is a National Advisor for the American Prairie Foundation, and is on NorthWestern Energy’s Board of Directors. Dorothy was recognized with an Honorary Doctorate from her alma mater, Colorado College, was named Business Woman of the Year by the Bozeman Chamber of Commerce and MSU Alumni Association, and was Montana Business and Professional Women’s Montana Woman of Achievement. Marilyn Wessel was born in Iowa, lived and worked in Los Angeles, California, and Washington, D.C. before moving to Bozeman in 1972. She has an undergraduate degree in journalism from Iowa State University, graduate degree in public administration from Montana State University, certification from the Harvard University Institute for Education Management, and served a senior internship with the U.S. Congress, Montana delegation. In Montana Marilyn has served in a number of professional positions, including part-time editor for the Montana Cooperative Extension Service, News Director for KBMN Radio, Special Assistant to the President and Director of Communications at Montana State University, Director of University Relations at Montana State University and Dean and Director of the Museum of the Rockies at MSU. Marilyn retired from MSU as Dean Emeritus in 2003. Her past Board Service includes Montana State Merit System Council, Montana Ambassadors, Vigilante Theater Company, Montana State Commission on Practice, Museum of the Rockies, Helena Branch of the Ninth District Federal Reserve Bank, Burton K. Wheeler Center for Public Policy, Bozeman Chamber of Commerce, and Friends of KUSM Public Television. Marilyn’s past publications and productions include several articles on communications and public administration issues as well as research, script preparation and presentation of several radio documentaries and several public television programs. She is co-author of one book, 4-H An American Idea: A History of 4-H. Marilyn’s other past volunteer activities and organizations include Business and Professional Women, Women's Political Caucus, League of Women Voters, and numerous political campaigns. She is currently engaged professionally in museum-related consulting and part-time teaching at Montana State University as well as serving on the Editorial Board of the Bozeman Daily Chronicle and a member of Pilgrim Congregational Church and Family Promise. Marilyn and her husband Tom, a retired MSU professor, live in Bozeman. She enjoys time with her children and grandchildren, hiking, golf, Italian studies, cooking, gardening and travel. Jane Jelinski is a Wisconsin native, with a BA from Fontbonne College in St. Louis, MO who taught fifth and seventh grades prior to moving to Bozeman in 1973. A stay-at-home mom with a five year old daughter and an infant son, she was promptly recruited by the Gallatin Women’s Political Caucus to conduct a study of Sex-Role Stereotyping in K Through 6 Reading Text Books in the Bozeman School District. Sociologist Dr. Louise Hale designed the study and did the statistical analysis and Jane read all the texts, entered the data and wrote the report. It was widely disseminated across Montana and received attention of the press. Her next venture into community activism was to lead the successful effort to downzone her neighborhood which was under threat of encroaching business development. Today the neighborhood enjoys the protections of a Historic Preservation District. During this time she earned her MPA from Montana State University. Subsequently Jane founded the Gallatin Advocacy Program for Developmentally Disabled Adults in 1978 and served as its Executive Director until her appointment to the Gallatin County Commission in 1984, a controversial appointment which she chronicled in the Fall issue of the Gallatin History Museum Quarterly. Copies of the issue can be ordered through: http://gallatinhistorymuseum.org/the-museum-bookstore/shop/. Jane was re-elected three times as County Commissioner, serving fourteen years. She was active in the Montana Association of Counties (MACO) and was elected its President in 1994. She was also active in the National Association of Counties, serving on numerous policy committees. In 1998 Jane resigned from the County Commission 6 months before the end of her final term to accept the position of Assistant Director of MACO, from where she lobbied for counties, provided training and research for county officials, and published a monthly newsletter. In 2001 she became Director of the MSU Local Government Center where she continued to provide training and research for county and municipal officials across MT. There she initiated the Montana Mayors Academy in partnership with MMIA. She taught State and Local Government, Montana Politics and Public Administration in the MSU Political Science Department before retiring in 2008. Jane has been married to Jack for 46 years, has two grown children and three grandchildren.

The Amplifier - v. 6, no. 1

In this issue...Quake Lake, Rainbow Ranch, Student Union Building, Montana Standard, Butte Daily Post, World War I, Drama Department, Ed Skubitz, Butte Elks Club