968 resultados para Nine Years’ War, 1594-1603
Resumo:
During the period in question, large ice drifts transported incalculable numbers of icebergs, ice fields and ice floes from the Antarctica into the South Atlantic, confronting long-journeying sailing ships on the Cape Horn route with considerable danger. As is still the case today, the ice drifts generally tended in a northeasterly direction. Thus it can be assumed that the ice masses occuring near Cape Horn and in the South Atlantic originated in Graham Land and the South Shetland Islands, while those found in the Pacific will have come from Victoria Land. The masses drifting to Cape Horn, Isla de los Estados, the Falkland Islands and occasionally as far as the Tristan da Cunha Group are transported by the West Wind Drift and Falkland Current, diverted by the Brazil Current. The Bouvet and Agulhas Currents have little influence here. The great ice masses repeatedly reached points beyond the "outermost drift ice boundery" calculated in the course of the years, to continue on in the direction of the equator. The number of sailing ships which fell victim to the ice drifts while rounding Cape Horn can only be surmised; they simply disappeared without a trace in the expanses of the South Atlantic. Until the end of the 1900s the dangers presented by ice were less serious for westward-bound ships than for the "homeward-bounders" travelling from West to East. Following the turn of the century, however, the risk for "onwardbounders" increased significantly. Whether the ice drifts actually grew in might or whether the more frequent and more detailed reports led to this impression, could never be ascertained by the German Hydrographie Office. In the forty-one years between 1868 and 1908, ten light, ten medium and nine heavy ice years were counted, and only twelve years in which no reports of ice were submitted to the German Hydrographie Office. "One of the most terrible dangers threatening ships on their return from the Pacific Ocean," the pilot book for the Atlantic Ocean warns, "is the encounter with ice, to be expected south of the 50th parallel (approx.) in the Pacific and south of the 40th parallel (approx.) in the South Atlantic." Following the ice drift of 1854-55, thought to be the first ever recorded, the increasing numbers of sailing ships rounding Cape Horn were frequently confronted with drifts of varying sizes or with single icebergs. Then from 1892-94, a colossal ice drift crossed the path of the sailships in three stages. Several sailing ships collided with the icebergs and could be counted lucky if they survived with heavy damage to the bow and the fo regear. The reports on those which vanished for ever in the ice masses are hardly of investigative value. The English suffered particularly badly in the ice-plagued waters; their captains apparently sailed courses that led more freqently through drifts than did the sailing instructions of the German Hydrographic Office. Thus, among others, Capt. Jarvis' DUNTRUNE, also the STANMORE, ARTHURSTONE and LORD RANOCH as well as the French GALATHEE and CASHMERE all collided with icebergs. The crew of the AETHELBERTH panicked after a collision and took to their lifeboats. It was only after the ship detached itself from the iceberg it had rammed that the men returned to it and continued their journey. The TEMPLEMORE, on the other hand, had to be abandoned for good. Of the German sailing ships, the FLOTOW is to be mentioned here, and in the third phase of the drift the American SAN JOAQUIN lost a large proportion of its rigging. In the 20th century ice drifts continued to cross the courses of the Cape Horn ships. 1906 and 1908 were recorded as particularly heavy ice years. In 1908-09 both the FALKLANDBANK and the TOXTETH fell prey to ice, or so it was assumed during the subsequent Maritime Board proceedings. For the most part the German sailing ships were spared greater damages by sea. Their captains sent detailed ice reports to the German Hydrographic Office, which gratefully welcomed the information and partially incorporated it in the third and final edition of the "Pilot Book for the Atlantic Ocean." From the end of 1926 until the beginning of 1928, the last of the large sailing ships were once again confronted with "tremendous masses of icebergs and ice drifts." Reports of this period originated above all on the P-Liners PADUA, PAMIR, PASSAT, PEKING, PINNAS, PRIWALL and the ships of Gustav Erikson's fleet. The fate of the training sailship ADMIRAL KARPFANGER in connection with the ice in early 1938 was never clearly determined by the Maritime Board proceedings. Collision with an iceberg, however, is thought to be the most likely cause of accident. Today freight sailing ships no longer cross the oceans. The Cape Horn route is relatively insignificant for engine-powered ships and icebergs can be spotted in plenty of time by modern navigation technology ... The large ice drifts are no longer a menace, but only a marginal note in the final chapter of the history of transoceanic sailing.
Resumo:
Global warming is real and has been with us for at least two decades. Questions arise regarding the response of the ocean to greenhouse forcing, including expectations for changes in ocean circulation, in uptake of excess carbon dioxide, and in upwelling activity. The large climate variations of the ice ages, within the last million years, offer the opportunity to study responses of the ocean to climate change. A histogram of sealevel positions for the last 700,000 years (based on a new d/sup 18/O stratigraphy here compiled) shows that the present is near the margin of the range of fluctuations, with only 6 percent of positions indicating a warmer climate. Thus, the future will be largely outside of experience with regard to fluctuations of the recent geologic past. The same is true for greenhouse forcing. Our inability to explain sudden climate change in the past, including the rapid rise of carbon dioxide during deglaciation, and differences in ocean productivity between glacial and interglacial conditions, demonstrates a lack of understanding that makes predictions suspect. This is the lesson from ice age studies.
Resumo:
This data set contains aboveground plant biomass in 2010 (Sown plant community, Weed plant community, Dead plant material, and Unidentified plant material; all measured in biomass as dry weight) of the monoculture plots of a large grassland biodiversity experiment (the Jena Experiment). In the monoculture plots the biomass of the sown plant community contains only a single species per plot and this species is a different one for each plot. Which species has been sown in which plot is stated in the plot information table for monocultures (see further details below). The monoculture plots of 3.5 x 3.5 m were established for all of the 60 plant species of the Jena Experiment species pool with two replicates per species. One of the replicate plots per species was given up after the vegetation period of 2007 for all but the nine species belonging also to the so called dominance experiment in Jena. These nine species are: Alopecurus pratensis, Anthriscus sylvestris, Arrhenatherum elatius, Dactylis glomerata, Geranium pratense, Poa trivialis, Phleum pratense, Trifolium repens and Trifolium pratense.In 2010 plot size was reduced to 1 x 1 m. These 60 species comprising the species pool of the Jena Experiment belong to four functional groups (grasses, legumes, tall and small herbs). Plots were sown in May 2002 and are since maintained by bi-annual weeding and mowing. Aboveground plant biomass was harvested twice in 2010 just prior to mowing (during peak standing biomass in early June and in late August) on all experimental plots of the monocultures. This was done by clipping the vegetation at 3 cm above ground in 1 rectangle of 0.2 x 0.5 m per plot. The location of this rectangle was in the center of the plot area. The positions of the rectangles within plots were identical for all plots. The harvested biomass was sorted into categories: sown plant species, weed plant species (species not sown at the particular plot), detached dead plant material (i.e., dead plant material in the data file), and remaining plant material that could not be assigned to any category (i.e., unidentified plant material in the data file). All biomass was dried to constant weight (70°C, >= 48 h) and weighed.
Resumo:
The late Neogene was a time of cryosphere development in the northern hemisphere. The present study was carried out to estimate the sea surface temperature (SST) change during this period based on the quantitative planktonic foraminiferal data of 8 DSDP sites in the western Pacific. Target factor analysis has been applied to the conventional transfer function approach to overcome the no-analog conditions caused by evolutionary faunal changes. By applying this technique through a combination of time-slice and time-series studies, the SST history of the last 5.3 Ma has been reconstructed for the low latitude western Pacific. Although the present data set is close to the statistical limits of factor analysis, the clear presence of sensible variations in individual SST time-series suggests the feasibility and reliability of this method in paleoceanographic studies. The estimated SST curves display the general trend of the temperature fluctuations and reveal three major cool periods in the late Neogene, i.e. the early Pliocene (4.7 3.5 Ma), the late Pliocene (3.1-2.7 Ma), and the latest Pliocene to early Pleistocene (2.2-1.0 Ma). Cool events are reflected in the increase of seasonality and meridional SST gradient in the subtropical area. The latest Pliocene to early Pleistocene cooling is most important in the late Neogene climatic evolution. It differs from the previous cool events in its irreversible, steplike change in SST, which established the glacial climate characteristic of the late Pleistocene. The winter and summer SST decreased by 3.3-5.4°C and 1.0 2.1C in the subtropics, by 0.9°C and 0.6C in the equatorial region, and showed little or no cooling in the tropics. Moreover, this cooling event occurred as a gradual SST decrease during 2.2 1.0 Ma at the warmer subtropical sites, while that at cooler subtropical site was an abrupt SST drop at 2.2 Ma. In contrast, equatorial and tropical western Pacific experienced only minor SST change in the entire late Neogene. In general, subtropics was much more sensitive to climatic forcing than tropics and the cooling events were most extensive in the cooler subtropics. The early Pliocene cool periods can be correlated to the Antarctic ice volume fluctuation, and the latest Pliocene early Pleistocene cooling reflects the climatic evolution during the cryosphere development of the northern hemisphere.
Resumo:
This data set contains aboveground plant biomass in 2008 (Sown plant community, Weed plant community, Dead plant material, and Unidentified plant material; all measured in biomass as dry weight) of the monoculture plots of a large grassland biodiversity experiment (the Jena Experiment). In the monoculture plots the biomass of the sown plant community contains only a single species per plot and this species is a different one for each plot. Which species has been sown in which plot is stated in the plot information table for monocultures (see further details below). The monoculture plots of 3.5 x 3.5 m were established for all of the 60 plant species of the Jena Experiment species pool with two replicates per species. One of the replicate plots per species was given up after the vegetation period of 2007 for all but the nine species belonging also to the so called dominance experiment in Jena. These nine species are: Alopecurus pratensis, Anthriscus sylvestris, Arrhenatherum elatius, Dactylis glomerata, Geranium pratense, Poa trivialis, Phleum pratense, Trifolium repens and Trifolium pratense.In 2008 plot size was reduced to 2.5 x 2.5 m. These 60 species comprising the species pool of the Jena Experiment belong to four functional groups (grasses, legumes, tall and small herbs). Plots were sown in May 2002 and are since maintained by bi-annual weeding and mowing. Aboveground plant biomass was harvested twice in 2008 just prior to mowing (during peak standing biomass in early June and in late August) on all experimental plots of the monocultures. This was done by clipping the vegetation at 3 cm above ground in 2 rectangles of 0.2 x 0.5 m per plot. The location of these rectangles was assigned prior to each harvest by random selection of coordinates within the core area of the plots (i.e. excluding an outer edge of 0.5 m). The positions of the rectangles within plots were identical for all plots. The harvested biomass was sorted into categories: sown plant species, weed plant species (species not sown at the particular plot), detached dead plant material (i.e., dead plant material in the data file), and remaining plant material that could not be assigned to any category (i.e., unidentified plant material in the data file). All biomass was dried to constant weight (70°C, >= 48 h) and weighed. The data for individual subsamples (i.e. rectangles) and the mean over samples for all biomass measures are given.
Resumo:
This data set contains aboveground plant biomass in 2009 (Sown plant community, Weed plant community, Dead plant material, and Unidentified plant material; all measured in biomass as dry weight) of the monoculture plots of a large grassland biodiversity experiment (the Jena Experiment). In the monoculture plots the biomass of the sown plant community contains only a single species per plot and this species is a different one for each plot. Which species has been sown in which plot is stated in the plot information table for monocultures (see further details below). The monoculture plots of 3.5 x 3.5 m were established for all of the 60 plant species of the Jena Experiment species pool with two replicates per species. One of the replicate plots per species was given up after the vegetation period of 2007 for all but the nine species belonging also to the so called dominance experiment in Jena. These nine species are: Alopecurus pratensis, Anthriscus sylvestris, Arrhenatherum elatius, Dactylis glomerata, Geranium pratense, Poa trivialis, Phleum pratense, Trifolium repens and Trifolium pratense.In 2008 plot size was reduced to 2.5 x 2.5 m. These 60 species comprising the species pool of the Jena Experiment belong to four functional groups (grasses, legumes, tall and small herbs). Plots were sown in May 2002 and are since maintained by bi-annual weeding and mowing. Aboveground plant biomass was harvested twice in 2009 just prior to mowing (during peak standing biomass in early June and in late August) on all experimental plots of the monocultures. This was done by clipping the vegetation at 3 cm above ground in 2 rectangles of 0.2 x 0.5 m per plot. The location of these rectangles was in the center of the plot area. The positions of the rectangles within plots were identical for all plots. The harvested biomass was sorted into categories: sown plant species, weed plant species (species not sown at the particular plot), detached dead plant material (i.e., dead plant material in the data file), and remaining plant material that could not be assigned to any category (i.e., unidentified plant material in the data file). All biomass was dried to constant weight (70°C, >= 48 h) and weighed. The data for individual subsamples (i.e. rectangles) and the mean over samples for all biomass measures are given.
Resumo:
The concept of ontological security has a remarkable echo in the current sociology to describe emotional status of men of late modernity. However, the concept created by Giddens in the eighties has been little used in empirical research covering various sources of risk or uncertainty. In this paper, a scale for ontological security is proposed. To do this, we start from the results of a research focused on the relationship between risk, uncertainty and vulnerability in the context of the economic crisis in Spain. These results were produced through nine focus groups and a telephone survey with standardized questionnaire applied to a national sample of 2,408 individuals over 18 years. This work is divided into three main sections. In the fi rst, a scale has been built from the results of the application of different items present in the questionnaire used. The second part explores the relationships of the scale obtained with the variables further approximate the emotional dimensions of individuals. The third part observes the variables that contribute to changes in the scale: These variables show the structural feature of the ontological security.
Resumo:
Following the intrinsically linked balance sheets in his Capital Formation Life Cycle, Lukas M. Stahl explains with his Triple A Model of Accounting, Allocation and Accountability the stages of the Capital Formation process from FIAT to EXIT. Based on the theoretical foundations of legal risk laid by the International Bar Association with the help of Roger McCormick and legal scholars such as Joanna Benjamin, Matthew Whalley and Tobias Mahler, and founded on the basis of Wesley Hohfeld’s category theory of jural relations, Stahl develops his mutually exclusive Four Determinants of Legal Risk of Law, Lack of Right, Liability and Limitation. Those Four Determinants of Legal Risk allow us to apply, assess, and precisely describe the respective legal risk at all stages of the Capital Formation Life Cycle as demonstrated in case studies of nine industry verticals of the proposed and currently negotiated Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the United States of America and the European Union, TTIP, as well as in the case of the often cited financing relation between the United States and the People’s Republic of China. Having established the Four Determinants of Legal Risk and its application to the Capital Formation Life Cycle, Stahl then explores the theoretical foundations of capital formation, their historical basis in classical and neo-classical economics and its forefathers such as The Austrians around Eugen von Boehm-Bawerk, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek and most notably and controversial, Karl Marx, and their impact on today’s exponential expansion of capital formation. Starting off with the first pillar of his Triple A Model, Accounting, Stahl then moves on to explain the Three Factors of Capital Formation, Man, Machines and Money and shows how “value-added” is created with respect to the non-monetary capital factors of human resources and industrial production. Followed by a detailed analysis discussing the roles of the Three Actors of Monetary Capital Formation, Central Banks, Commercial Banks and Citizens Stahl readily dismisses a number of myths regarding the creation of money providing in-depth insight into the workings of monetary policy makers, their institutions and ultimate beneficiaries, the corporate and consumer citizens. In his second pillar, Allocation, Stahl continues his analysis of the balance sheets of the Capital Formation Life Cycle by discussing the role of The Five Key Accounts of Monetary Capital Formation, the Sovereign, Financial, Corporate, Private and International account of Monetary Capital Formation and the associated legal risks in the allocation of capital pursuant to his Four Determinants of Legal Risk. In his third pillar, Accountability, Stahl discusses the ever recurring Crisis-Reaction-Acceleration-Sequence-History, in short: CRASH, since the beginning of the millennium starting with the dot-com crash at the turn of the millennium, followed seven years later by the financial crisis of 2008 and the dislocations in the global economy we are facing another seven years later today in 2015 with several sordid debt restructurings under way and hundred thousands of refugees on the way caused by war and increasing inequality. Together with the regulatory reactions they have caused in the form of so-called landmark legislation such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, the JOBS Act of 2012 or the introduction of the Basel Accords, Basel II in 2004 and III in 2010, the European Financial Stability Facility of 2010, the European Stability Mechanism of 2012 and the European Banking Union of 2013, Stahl analyses the acceleration in size and scope of crises that appears to find often seemingly helpless bureaucratic responses, the inherent legal risks and the complete lack of accountability on part of those responsible. Stahl argues that the order of the day requires to address the root cause of the problems in the form of two fundamental design defects of our Global Economic Order, namely our monetary and judicial order. Inspired by a 1933 plan of nine University of Chicago economists abolishing the fractional reserve system, he proposes the introduction of Sovereign Money as a prerequisite to void misallocations by way of judicial order in the course of domestic and transnational insolvency proceedings including the restructuring of sovereign debt throughout the entire monetary system back to its origin without causing domino effects of banking collapses and failed financial institutions. In recognizing Austrian-American economist Schumpeter’s Concept of Creative Destruction, as a process of industrial mutation that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one, Stahl responds to Schumpeter’s economic chemotherapy with his Concept of Equitable Default mimicking an immunotherapy that strengthens the corpus economicus own immune system by providing for the judicial authority to terminate precisely those misallocations that have proven malignant causing default perusing the century old common law concept of equity that allows for the equitable reformation, rescission or restitution of contract by way of judicial order. Following a review of the proposed mechanisms of transnational dispute resolution and current court systems with transnational jurisdiction, Stahl advocates as a first step in order to complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle from FIAT, the creation of money by way of credit, to EXIT, the termination of money by way of judicial order, the institution of a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court constituted by a panel of judges from the U.S. Court of International Trade and the European Court of Justice by following the model of the EFTA Court of the European Free Trade Association. Since the first time his proposal has been made public in June of 2014 after being discussed in academic circles since 2011, his or similar proposals have found numerous public supporters. Most notably, the former Vice President of the European Parliament, David Martin, has tabled an amendment in June 2015 in the course of the negotiations on TTIP calling for an independent judicial body and the Member of the European Commission, Cecilia Malmström, has presented her proposal of an International Investment Court on September 16, 2015. Stahl concludes, that for the first time in the history of our generation it appears that there is a real opportunity for reform of our Global Economic Order by curing the two fundamental design defects of our monetary order and judicial order with the abolition of the fractional reserve system and the introduction of Sovereign Money and the institution of a democratically elected Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court that commensurate with its jurisdiction extending to cases concerning the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership may complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle resolving cases of default with the transnational judicial authority for terminal resolution of misallocations in a New Global Economic Order without the ensuing dangers of systemic collapse from FIAT to EXIT.
Resumo:
Warfare has long been associated with Scottish Highlanders and Islanders, especially in the period known in Gaelic tradition as ‘Linn nan Creach’ (the ‘Age of Forays’), which followed the forfeiture of the Lordship of the Isles in 1493. The sixteenth century in general is remembered as a particularly tumultuous time within the West Highlands and Isles, characterised by armed conflict on a seemingly unprecedented scale. Relatively little research has been conducted into the nature of warfare however, a gap filled by this thesis through its focus on a series of interconnected themes and in-depth case studies spanning the period c. 1544-1615. It challenges the idea that the sixteenth century and early seventeenth century was a time of endless bloodshed, and explores the rationale behind the distinctive mode of warfare practised in the West Highlands and Isles. The first part of the thesis traces the overall ‘Process of War’. Chapter 1 focuses on the mentality of the social elite in the West Highlands and Isles and demonstrates that warfare was not their raison d'être, but was tied inextricably to chiefs’ prime responsibility of protecting their lands and tenants. Chapter 2 assesses the causation of warfare and reveals that a recurrent catalyst for armed conflict was the assertion of rights to land and inheritance. There were other important causes however, including clan expectation, honour culture, punitive government policies, and the use of proxy warfare by prominent magnates. Chapter 3 takes a fresh approach to the military capacity of the region through analysis of armies and soldiers, and the final thematic chapter tackles the conduct of warfare in the West Highlands and Isles, with analysis of the tactics and strategy of militarised personnel. The second part of this thesis comprises five case studies: the Clanranald, 1544-77; the Colquhouns of Luss and the Lennox, 1592-1603; the MacLeods of Harris and MacDonalds of Sleat, 1594-1601; the Camerons, 1569-1614; and the ‘Islay Rising’, 1614-15. This thesis adopts a unique approach by contextualising the political background of warfare in order to instil a deeper understanding of why early modern Gaelic Scots resorted to bloodshed. Overall, this period was defined by a sharp rise in military activity, followed by an even sharper decline, a trajectory that will be evidenced vividly in the final case study on the ‘Islay Rising’. Although warfare was widespread, it was not unrestrained or continuous, and the traditional image of a region riven by perpetual bloodshed has been greatly exaggerated.
Resumo:
By appropriating the images of the schizophrenic and the cyborg from Deleuze and Guattari, and from Donna Haraway respectively, this paper seeks to discuss the relationship between human and computer, composer and performer in a way that undermines and subverts the normal binaries commonly employed, and even implied in the descriptions of these relationships in this paper. “Nine for ones in nine”, despite employing the use of the OpenMusic software in its composition, retains a degree of choice and indeterminacy for the performers; despite employing the use of precise just harmony in its design and intent, the work depends upon the imprecision of human control rather than ceding to the precision of a synthesiser. Given the vast possibilities opened up to composers by the use of computers to calculate and create sound, why then do composers continue to employ performers in the realisation of their designs, and rely on sometimes hundreds of years-old technology to articulate them in real time? The very social and imprecise aspect of the act of performance is key to the messy, compromised, and complicit product that scores such as Nine for ones in nine aim to produce.
Resumo:
World War II was one of the most devastating events in history, and it profoundly affected European culture and art. I examined the period around World War II, and the effects it had on the lives of composers and their flute music. I investigated who wrote for flute during the war, what they were composing, and what effects, if any, the war had on them and their music. After examining the biographies of nine composers and studying eleven of their works, I found that in some cases the war affected their flute music, but in others the music shows no apparent influences of the war. Interestingly, most of the flute music written by composers affected by World War II was happy and joyful rather than dark and dismal. I performed three recitals during my research. I studied nine composers and performed some of their most important works for flute. Recital One is “Sonatas for Flute.” Recital Two is “Virtuosic Flute Music,” and my final recital is “Emotional Overview of Flute Music During World War II.” I discovered that many of these composers had to change their lives in drastic ways due to the war, but most them wrote music that had did not reflect the horror or destruction of war—perhaps music represented an escape from their horrible circumstances, or an effort to recall better times. I also found that a few of these composers used music to mock the Nazi regime. They used music as an emotional outlet, which could have been dangerous for them during that time. Other composers used music to share their own personal experiences while fighting in the war.