Looking for Determinants of Ontological Security in the Spain of the Crisis

The concept of ontological security has a remarkable echo in the current sociology to describe emotional status of men of late modernity. However, the concept created by Giddens in the eighties has been little used in empirical research covering various sources of risk or uncertainty. In this paper, a scale for ontological security is proposed. To do this, we start from the results of a research focused on the relationship between risk, uncertainty and vulnerability in the context of the economic crisis in Spain. These results were produced through nine focus groups and a telephone survey with standardized questionnaire applied to a national sample of 2,408 individuals over 18 years. This work is divided into three main sections. In the fi rst, a scale has been built from the results of the application of different items present in the questionnaire used. The second part explores the relationships of the scale obtained with the variables further approximate the emotional dimensions of individuals. The third part observes the variables that contribute to changes in the scale: These variables show the structural feature of the ontological security.

Crisis, educación y precariedad-afluencia. El rol de la educación en las condiciones de vida de la población española

El objeto de este artículo es estudiar la influencia del nivel educativo (capital cultural) en los procesos de precariedad-afluencia de la población española entre los años posteriores a la crisis de inicio de la década de 1990 y los años más duros de la crisis de 2007. A partir de los datos de las encuestas PHOGUE y ECV del Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) se han construido cuatro indicadores para medir la precariedad laboral, de ingresos, de salud y de vivienda y su distribución según distintas variables demográficas. Se pretende contrastar la hipótesis de que más educación significa más protección frente a la precariedad, estudiando diferentes condiciones de las condiciones de vida y existencia en momentos tanto de crecimiento como de crisis económica. Mediante un análisis multivariable se intenta determinar el nivel de impacto del capital cultural, alcance, evolución y, sobre todo, si sus efectos positivos o negativos están en proceso de expansión o desaceleración. El resultado tiene una doble aportación: de un lado, metodológica, consistente en la construcción de los indicadores; de otro lado, los resultados, con los que se puede reevaluar algunas generalizaciones sobre la pérdida de importancia del rol de la educación en las sociedades contemporáneas.

Facultad por Facultad. Origen familiar y empleo de los licenciados en CCSS y Humanidades de la UCM en el año 2003

Muchos estudios encuentran un efecto del origen social sobre la ocupación y el salario incluso tras controlar la educación. Este efecto, que suele ser pequeño, puede ser un artificio resultante del deficiente control de la educación. Este trabajo examina la importancia de controlar en detalle la educación desagregando las carreras universitarias. Estudiamos el clasismo del mercado de trabajo para una promoción de titulados en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid (UCM) en los seis años entre su graduación en 1997 y 2003. Esta es la fecha de la encuesta gracias a la cual podemos medir la influencia del status social de los padres sobre las oportunidades de empleo de los hijos no con título universitario en general, sino con el mismo título universitario. Encontramos que la influencia del origen social sobre la clase profesional y los ingresos disminuye mucho cuando se controlan las titulaciones, y que no se observa en la mayor parte de ellas, pero sí en algunas, en concreto Políticas y Sociología y Económicas. Esta concreción allana el camino para investigar las vías por las que esta influencia se produce.

Of Marx and Makers: an Historical Perspective on Generative Justice

In Marxist frameworks “distributive justice” depends on extracting value through a centralized state. Many new social movements—peer to peer economy, maker activism, community agriculture, queer ecology, etc.—take the opposite approach, keeping value in its unalienated form and allowing it to freely circulate from the bottom up. Unlike Marxism, there is no general theory for bottom-up, unalienated value circulation. This paper examines the concept of “generative justice” through an historical contrast between Marx’s writings and the indigenous cultures that he drew upon. Marx erroneously concluded that while indigenous cultures had unalienated forms of production, only centralized value extraction could allow the productivity needed for a high quality of life. To the contrary, indigenous cultures now provide a robust model for the “gift economy” that underpins open source technological production, agroecology, and restorative approaches to civil rights. Expanding Marx’s concept of unalienated labor value to include unalienated ecological (nonhuman) value, as well as the domain of freedom in speech, sexual orientation, spirituality and other forms of “expressive” value, we arrive at an historically informed perspective for generative justice. 

Os Deputados Assistentes Sociais na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa: principais intervenções parlamentares entre 1949 e 2011

A presente dissertação é relativa aos assistentes sociais que exerceram funções de deputados em Portugal Continental, na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Procedeu-se à sua caracterização e à análise dos seus principais discursos parlamentares. A pertinência da investigação é justificada pela inexistência de trabalhos acerca da temática escolhida e pela reduzida produção académica no que respeita à vasta dimensão política do Serviço Social em Portugal. A investigação alicerçou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica sobre os temas em foco, e documental, na análise das fichas biográficas dos deputados identificados e das transcrições textuais das sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa, onde constam os discursos destes deputados. Estas fontes primárias estão acessíveis no sítio oficial da Assembleia da República (www.parlamento.pt). Pretende-se com este estudo abordar o lugar atribuído à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa nos respetivos regimes de ditadura e democracia e identificar e caracterizar académica, profissional e politicamente os assistentes sociais que exerceram estas funções. Objetiva-se ainda a análise das principais intervenções destes deputados no contexto da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Apurou-se que o número de deputadas à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa não variou significativamente nos regimes políticos abordados. Foram identificadas cinco deputadas à Assembleia Nacional, da V à XI legislatura (de 1949 a 1974 – 25 anos), sendo que a primeira deputada identificada exerceu funções ao longo da V e VI legislaturas da Assembleia Nacional. Após a queda do regime ditatorial e depois de 21 anos em democracia, assistentes sociais voltaram a exercer funções de deputados. Entre 1995 e 2011 exerceram funções seis deputados à Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Um deles desenvolveu atividades ao longo da X e XI legislaturas. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a maioria destes deputados são mulheres, havendo apenas um homem. Relativamente à formação académica dos deputados constatou-se que antes de 1974 o estabelecimento que formou mais assistentes sociais deputadas foi o Instituto de Serviço Social de Lisboa (3), seguido do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas Ultramarinas (1) e do Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, em Luanda (1). Os deputados à Assembleia da República formaram-se no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Coimbra (2); no Instituto Superior Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social do Porto (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Lisboa (1) e no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, Luanda (1). As deputadas que exerceram funções durante o Estado Novo pertenciam à União Nacional e Acção Nacional Popular, sendo que uma delas pertencia à Ala Liberal da ANP. Quanto aos deputados que exerceram funções no período democrático percebe-se que todos eram vinculados a partidos do bloco central e da direita: uma deputada do PSD, uma do CDS e quatro deputados do PS. No que respeita às intervenções parlamentares dos deputados identificados, observou-se que as deputadas à Assembleia Nacional apresentaram e fundamentaram propostas de medidas de política social apoiando-se na sua experiência profissional, principalmente em debates em que o tema foi a família ou a pobreza. Os deputados à Assembleia da República direcionaram os seus discursos para o apoio e/ou complemento das iniciativas propostas pelo governo, pois quatro destes deputados exerceram funções enquanto o partido a que pertenciam estava na liderança do governo. Face á vastidão da temática abordada, a presente dissertação constitui-se como um primeiro contributo para a produção de bibliografia no âmbito da dimensão política do Serviço Social, reconhecendo-se a necessidade de aprofundar mais o tema. / This thesis is on social workers who acted as deputies in Portugal, on the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Characterization and analysis of its key parliamentary speeches was the chosen procedure. The relevance of the research is justified by the lack of previous work on the chosen theme and the reduced academic outputs with respect to the vast political dimension of social work in Portugal. Research has its foundations in a literature research on the topics in focus, and also documentary, by the analysis of the biographical records of Members discussed and the verbatim transcripts of the sessions of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, which contains the speeches of such Members. These primary sources include legislative sessions and are available on the Assembly of the Republic (www.parlamento.pt) official website. The study aims to address the place assigned to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, regarding the respective regimes of dictatorship and democracy and to identify and characterize academically, professionally and politically, the social workers who have exercised these functions. Furthermore on the objective is the analysis of the main interventions in the context of such Members of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. It was found that the number of deputies to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic did not significantly vary in both political regimes. Five deputies to the National Assembly were identified on the legislatures V to XI (1949-1974 - 25 years), with the first identified lady holding positions along the V and VI legislatures of the National Assembly. After the fall of the dictatorship and after 21 years of democracy, social workers returned to act as deputies. Between 1995 and 2011 held office six members of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. One developed activities along the X and XI legislatures of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Research results show that the majority of these are women, and only one man. Regarding the academic training of the deputies, it was found that before 1974 the establishment that formed most of the social workers was, the Institute of Social Service of Lisbon (3), followed by the School of Social Science and Policy Overseas (1) and the Higher Institute of Social Service Pius XII in Luanda (1). Members of Parliament formed in the Institute of Social Service of Coimbra (2), the Higher Institute Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1), the Institute of Social Service of Porto (1), the Higher Institute of Social service of Lisbon (1) and the Institute of Social service Pius XII, Luanda(1). Deputies who held office during the New state belonged to the National Union and National People's Action parties, one of which belonged to the Liberal Wing of the ANP. As for the deputies who held office in the democratic period one realizes that all parties were bound to the central block and right wing: A Member of the PSD, one of CDS and four members of the PS. Regarding the parliamentary speeches of identified Members, it was noted that the National Assembly deputies presented and substantiated proposals for social policy measures relying on their professional experience, primarily on the debates in which the theme was family or poverty. Members of Parliament have directed their speeches to support and / or complement the initiatives proposed by the government, since four of these deputies exercise their functions while the party they belonged was in governmental leadership. Given the vastness of the topic addressed in this thesis, it constitutes itself as a first contribution to the production of literature within the political dimension of social work, recognizing the need to go deeper into the subject.

Equality

Equality is a political and moral ideal that refers to some universal condition thought to be shared by human beings. Since this inherent equality is often thought to have been corrupted by a self-interested secular world, this essay shifts the emphasis from equality as a timeless concept to equalization as a historical process.

Trajetórias de inserção e RSI : impactos dos trabalhos da instituição Salvaterra

Dissertação de Mestrado, Ciências Sociais, 30 de Setembro de 2016, Universidade dos Açores.

Human motivation and professional practice: of knights, knaves and social workers

Efforts to improve the efficiency and responsiveness of public services by harnessing the self-interest of professionals in state agencies have been widely debated in the recent literature on welfare state reform. In the context of social services, one way in which British policy-makers have sought to effect such changes has been through the "new community care" of the 1990 NHS and Community Care Act. Key to this is the concept of care management, in which the identification of needs and the provision of services are separated, purportedly with a view to improving advocacy, choice and quality for service users. This paper uses data from a wide-ranging qualitative study of access to social care for older people to examine the success of the policy in these terms, with specific reference to its attempts to harness the rational self-interest of professionals. While care management removes one potential conflict of interests by separating commissioning and provision, the responsibility of social care professionals to comply with organizational priorities conflicts with their role of advocacy for their clients, a tension rendered all the more problematic by the perceived inadequacy of funding. Moreover, the bureaucracy of the care management process itself further negates the approach's supposedly client-centred ethos. The definitive version is available at www.blackwell-synergy.com

A house, not a home? Examining the use of the private rented sector to resolve homelessness in Scotland

Changes to homelessness legislation in post-devolution Scotland have resulted in an expansion of rights for homeless households seeking formal assistance from local authorities. These changes have led to Scotland’s homelessness arrangements being considered among the most progressive in Europe. In recent years, however, the Scottish Government has increasingly promoted homelessness prevention and Housing Options approaches as a means by which homelessness might be avoided or resolved without recourse to statutory rights. As part of that, they have promoted greater use of the private rented sector (PRS) as a key housing option, with the potential to meet the needs of homeless households. The arguments made to support use of the PRS have much in common with arguments for privatisation in other areas of social policy, notably greater choice for the individual promoting better welfare outcomes, and competition among providers encouraging improvements in quality of service provision. Critics have argued that such benefits may not be realised and that, on the contrary, privatisation may lead to exclusion or act to worsen households’ outcomes. This thesis considers the extent to which the PRS has been utilised in Scotland to accommodate homeless households, and the consequences of this for their welfare. The thesis uses a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. To examine trends in the use of the PRS, it presents quantitative analysis of the data on the operation of the statutory system and Housing Options arrangements, and of data from a survey of local authority homelessness strategy officers. To examine the consequences of this for homeless households, the thesis uses qualitative research involving face-to-face interviews with 35 homeless households across three local authority areas. This research considers the extent to which households’ experiences of homelessness, housing need and the PRS reflect the arguments presented in the literature, and how settled accommodation has impacted on households’ ability to participate fully in society. The research found an increasing but still limited role for the PRS in resolving statutory homelessness in Scotland, with indications that the PRS is being increasingly used as part of the Housing Options approach and as a means of resolving homelessness outside the statutory system. The PRS is being utilised to varying degrees across different local authority areas, and a variety of methods are being used to do so. While local authorities saw clear advantages to making greater use of the sector, a number of significant barriers including affordability, available stock and landlord preferences - made this difficult in practice. Research with previously homeless households in the PRS similarly found broadly positive experiences and views of the sector, particularly with regard to enabling households to access good quality accommodation in desirable areas of their choosing, with many households highlighting improvements relating to social inclusion and participation. Nevertheless, concerns around the security of tenure offered by the sector, repairs, service standards and unequal power relations between landlord and tenant persisted. As such, homeless households frequently expressed their decision to enter the sector in terms of a trade-off between choice and security.

European Cosmopolitan Solidarity

The idea of a cosmopolitan Europe continues to be central to contemporary debates within post-national citizenship. However, much of the writing in this area remains disconnected from the need to reinvent European social democracy that questions the centrality of work and racist nationalism. This article argues that a revived European Left would need to move beyond specifically liberal concerns with procedure to articulate a view of European futures that both deconstructed neo-liberalism and embraced more convivial collective futures. This would entail the combination of a post-material politics that sought to critique the centrality of employment while granting citizens a basic income or forms of civic labour and a more concerted attempt to break with a racialized politics based upon the fear of the ‘Other’. In conclusion, it is argued that the urgent political task of the future is to reinvent a sense of Europeaness that has both a substantive content, but that does not become mobilized by an exclusive cultural politics.

Policy Implications of Ageing Sexualities

This article aims to open up debate on the policy implications of ageing sexualities. The article begins by discussing the heteronormative perspective that frames current discourse on older people’s needs and citizenship. It then presents data from an empirical study to highlight the concerns that older lesbians and gay men have about housing, health and social service provision, work and job security, and relationship recognition. The article illustrates how the heterosexual assumption that informs policy making can limit the development of effective strategies for supporting older lesbians and gay men; and raises broader questions about policy making, social inclusion and citizenship.

Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe

This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women’s labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west − and in some respects east − and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women’s incomes across Europe are well below men’s; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies.Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.

Monetary poverty, material deprivation and consistent poverty in Portugal

In this paper we use the Portuguese component of the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions {EU-SILC) to develop a measure of consistent poverty in Portugal. It is widely agreed that being poor does not simply mean not having enough monetary resources. It also reflects a lack of access to the resources required to enjoy a minimum standard of living and participation in the society one belor]gs to. The coexistence of material deprivation and monetary poverty leads to the con'cept of consistent poverty. The assessment of material deprivation and the identification of the households and individuals living in consistent poverty could become essential parts of the national anti-poverty strategy and crucial instruments in the definition of the target groups in social policy.