855 resultados para Processo civil - Direito


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Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

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This work had to verify the influence of massará, while mortar component, in the process of formation of saltpeter in cementitious plaster walls of buildings. The massará is a ceramic material, texture areno usually found in large volumes argillaceous sediments in Teresina, Piaui State capital, which is associated with the Portland cement mortar form for fixing and finishing in construction. Saltpeter or flowering is a pathology that happens in gypsum wallboard, which invariably reaction between soluble salts present in materials, water and oxygen. This pathology, supposedly credited to massará caused its use to suffer significant reduction in the market of the buildings. Verify this situation with particular scientific rigor is part of the proposal of this work. Grading tests Were performed, consistency limits (LL, LP and IP), determination of potential hydrogen, capacity Exchange (CTC), electrical conductivity (EC), x-ray fluorescence (FRX) and x-ray diffraction (DRX). Massará analysed samples in number six, including sample plastering salitrado presented potential hydrogen medium 5.7 in water and 5.2 on KCl n and electrical conductivity (EC), equal to zero. These results pointed to the affirmative that massará is a material that does not provide salinity content that can be taken into consideration. It is therefore concluded that the material analyzed not competing, at least with respect to the presence of soluble salts, for the formation of saltpeter

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The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

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The relation between State and civil society is not a very recent discussion, but it does not mean that debate is exhausted, since is in the historical context that the novelty is seized. Thinking like this, we may analyze how the relation between state and civil society happened in Acre during the decade of 1970. But, to understand how this relation is established in faraway Acre, we have available to the reader historical analyses, in a tireless attempt to clarify minimally aspects that characterize acreana society. To do this, we take on as a departure point, in general not differentiating of the given structure at national level, the conformation of this society was guided in a passive revolution, in another way, by high transformismo, relegating to the civil society, which is incipient, pífia a simple participation in the hegemonic policy direction. All this brings us to the thought that both state bureaucracy structure and the civil society organization, were influenced decisively for a traditional political elite. In addition, we begin the work with the lifting bibliographic reference searching and then we analyze the empirical reality, such as newspapers, official media publications and private, a few documents and last, interviews with political actors associated with the process consolidation of civil society in the 1970 decade. The interviewees were selected, firstly for their location in the region, and for their outstanding contribution to the consolidating process of recent Acre history. Thus, the interviews followed up on a semi-structured way, leading up, also, for the informations that the interviewees would have to pass on. The systematization and analysis of these surveys have shown us that, in the period before of the Acre Federal State lifting had, of course, a transformismo by high, but at 1970decade, the society with a more heterogeneous social formation, is not allowed, or at least, organize itself, to counter a systematic imposition. Thus, the hegemonic area of dispute between State and civil society occurs from the "reconciliation" with the adoption of public policies that amenizasse the dispute between both spheres, and to build up some bodies, settling a acreana civil society.

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Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as representações e práticas sociais relativas à construção da conjugalidade homoafetiva e o direito de reconhecimento. Nesse contexto, são analisados os embates ideológicos decorrentes das tentativas de redefinição das representações e práticas sociais relativas à família e a conjugalidade, em sua feição heterocêntrica, a partir das disputas em torno do reconhecimento social e jurídico das uniões homoafetivas, desencadeadas no contexto da sociedade brasileira, a partir da apresentação, no Congresso Nacional, do Projeto de Lei n° 1.151/95, da Deputada Marta Suplicy, que disciplina a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo

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Historically the provision of childcare facilities in Brazil was short of demand. This problem affects a large part of the population and has a tendency to worsen, due to the accelerated decline in the number of parents of dedication exclusive family. The program called "Nova Semente" seeks to accelerate the creation of childcare facilities in the county, enabling the opening of units at low cost and in record time, through partnerships between government, non-governmental and civil society organizations. This study conducted a process evaluation of the implementation of public policy, to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the policy. In real terms, this paper seeks to understand the motivation for the development of the program, identifying the reasons set out in the project match what is being sent; Understand how it is giving practical partnership between the government entity and the entities "non-state"; Identify the degree of achievement of goals that should be met even in the implementation phase; verify employment of instruments provided for its implementation. For this, the literature of public policy evaluation is used, and fits the criteria and mechanisms for analysis in the assessment of efficacy, to answer the question motivating the work, which deals with uncertainty about the durability of the Program. the framework is the criteria and mechanisms for analysis in the assessment of efficacy, to answer the question motivating the work, which deals with uncertainty about the durability of the Program

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The Caldeirão is a site located in the city of Crato, in the south of Ceará, belonged to priest Cícero Romão Batista. There, was created a religious community led by blessed José Lourenço, who marked the life of thousands of Northeast country people in 1930s, for represent to them a space of religious conviviality, work and devotion. The Caldeirão s population was about three thousand of people, originated from states of Pernambuco, Alagoas, Paraíba, Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte, who share the community s daily activities. The misery caused by the dryness and exploration of these country people by the landlords are indicated as the motivator elements of this migratory flux by the greater number of works published about the Caldeirão, turning the community into a primitive experience of class struggles. This present study proposes other comprehension of this migratory movement by the religious speech of salvation taken to country people by the counselor Severino Tavares. Was used as analysis camp the remaining norte-rio-grandenses that migrated to the Caldeirão, and as theoretical and methodological references the understanding model of investigation, the cultural history and the remaining memorial speech analysis. The work follows that pointing the phenomenon of Caldeirão as an campestral revolt is try to impose to this people the aspirations or wishes of others, besides of deny to them the right and the dignity of act by their believes and their own dreams.

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The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

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The apparent virtuosity that if could wait of the globalization and the neoliberalism has given signals of deterioration in the contractual relations, especially in contracts of mass consumption, generating innumerable offensive situations to the basic rights and the goods constitutionally protected of the contractors. In the world of today, still that it does not reveal any desire, the individual practically is compelled to contract, for force of necessities and customs completely imposed, mainly in face of the essentiality of the services or agreed to goods. Ahead of as much and unexpected changes in the civil liames and of consumption, dictated for the globalization, it comes to surface the reflection if the private law e, more specifically, the civil law, meet prepared adequately to deal with these new parameters of the economy. The present dissertation has the intention to investigate if the globalization and the consequent neoliberalism, in this beginning of third millennium, will imply to revive of the principles and the basics paradigms of the contracts that consolidated and had kept, for more than two centuries, the liberal State. One notices that the study of this phenomenon it gains importance to the measure where if it aggravates the decline of the social State (Welfare State), with the embrittlement and the loss of the autonomy of the state authority, over all in countries of delayed modernity, as it is the case of Brazil, that presents deep deficiencies to give or to promote, with a minimum of quality and efficiency, essential considered public services to the collective and that if they find consecrated in the Federal Constitution, as basic rights or as goods constitutionally protecting, the example of the health, the education, the housing, the security, the providence, the insurance, the protection the maternity, the infancy and of aged and deficient. To the end, the incidence of constant basic rights of the man in the Constitution is concluded that, in the process of interpretation of the right contractual conflicts that have as object rights or goods constitutionally proteges, in the universe of the globalized perhaps economy and of the neoliberalismo, it consists in one of the few ways - unless the only one - that still they remain to over all deal with more adequately the contractual relations, exactly that if considers the presence of clauses generalities in the scope of the legislation infraconstitutional civil and of consumption, front the private detainers of social-economic power. To be able that it matters necessarily in disequilibrium between the parts, whose realignment depends on the effect and the graduation that if it intends to confer to the basic right in game in the private relation. The Constitution, when allowing the entailing of the basic rights in the privates relations, would be assuming contours of a statute basic of all the collective, giving protection to the man against the power, if public or independently private

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The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality

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It is known that, in the Democratic State of Law paradigm, one of the most instigating themes is the legitimity of the Law. It justifies the interest in reflecting about the Legislative Process instituted by the Brasilian 1988 Constitution, more specifically field of the constitutionality control as away to guaranty of the legitimity of the Law. The research that is developed here, intents to bring to reflection the basis and the ways the Legislative Power has to proceed to Constitutionality Control of the laws and of the Legislative Process. As the focus taken here is about the Legislative Power, it starts from the presupposed that only by the adoption of legislative process which has to be connected to a rational speech, that will evidence the Democratic and Procedimental Law dimensions, guarantee the possibility of the public and private spheres of life act in complementarity that is such needed to the stabilization of the social expectatives and the concretization of the Brazilian Constitution

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The freedom of social communication referred to those freedoms exercised under of the media. The journalism is professional activity responsible for factual information, real, pluralistic and of the public interest, directed diffusely to social orientation. The right of the information, characterized as diffuse right or of fruition by uncertain and numerous holders, is subdivided in the right of the inform, inform yourself and right to be informed. The journalists, as occupants of a enlarged spectrum concerning of right of the inform, have responsibility for the information they disseminate, devoir that puts on the basis of the constitutional right to be informed. This duty is divided with journalistic companies, when them realized. In the research, examined the existence of constitutional guarantees the right to be informed. To answer the question, realized research to support bibliographical and documentary. The guaranty is a empirical preoccupation coated with legality, since lends itself effect concretize a right. Traced so a panel of guarantees of institutional imprint, substantive and procedural. Treating of the institutional guarantees the right to information, it would refer to true institutions (as the free press) and may begin subjective rights. In the case of substantial guarantees, we would have access to information, the confidentiality of the fonts and the incensurable feature of journalistic information. A guarantee peculiar would be constitution of bodies responsible for monitoring the quality of the vehicles of communication. Trace it also a panel strict of procedural safeguards, such as public civil action, the security s warrant, and the rights of petition and answer.

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The current study is about the legitimacy of lower court jurisdiction as a way of exercising basic legal rights, proposing, therefore, a new legal-administrative model for appellate court. In order to achieve that, a demonstration of the importance of basic legal rights in the Brazilian legal system and an open interpretation in light of the Constitution, as a way to affirm said rights, among which are accessibility to the justice system and proper legal protection, is required. As a result, the legitimacy to access the legal system resides in the Constitution, where the interpreter should seek its basic principles to achieve basic legal rights. It is observed that the lack of credibility regarding lower court decisions comes from the dogmatic view of truth born from power, and therefore, that the truth resides in decisions from appellate court and not from lower court judges. A lower court judge holds a privileged position in providing basic legal rights for citizens, considering his close contact to the parties, the facts, and the evidences brought forth. Class action suit is presented as an important instrument able to lead the lower court judge to provide basic legal rights. Small Claims Courts may be used as paradigm to the creation of Appellate State Courts formed by lower court judges, reserving to higher jurisdiction courts and Federal Circuit Courts, the decisions of original competency and the management and institutional representation of the judiciary system. Instilling an internal democratization of the judiciary is also required, which means the participation of lower court judges in electing their peers to chief positions in the court system, as well as establishing a limited mandate to higher court judges.