Comércio, bens de prestígio e insígnias de poder: as agências centro-ocidentais africanas nos relatos de viagem de Henrique de Carvalho em sua expedição à Lunda (1884-1888)

Ao longo da segunda metade do século XIX, a região da África Centro-Ocidental foi palco do processo de intensificação de expedições europeias rumo ao interior do continente que conjugavam interesses econômicos, políticos e científicos. Esta pesquisa busca analisar o papel de relevo ocupado pela cultura material na agenda científica da expedição portuguesa à Lunda chefiada pelo militar português Henrique de Carvalho entre 1884 e 1888. Pretendemos também avaliar as potencialidades que o estudo sobre os objetos apresentam enquanto fontes para a compreensão mais ampla acerca das agências históricas africanas. Para tanto, selecionamos as obras Descripção da Viagem à Mussumba do Muatiânvua (1890-1894) e Ethnographia e História Tradicional dos Povos da Lunda (1890) e, de maneira complementar, o Album da Expedição ao Muatianvua (1887) e o catálogo Collecção Henrique de Carvalho (Expedição à Lunda), editado pela Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (1896). Assim, pela ótica da história social, pretendemos investigar como as exigências e predileções centro-africanas por determinados artigos moldaram as relações comerciais travadas nesse período, abordando os processos de incorporação e ressignificação de objetos particularmente, bens de prestígio e insígnias de poder - interpretados como expressões de identidades, códigos sociais e hierarquias políticas no âmbito dessas sociedades e de suas relações com os europeus.

Lonnie Holley exploration and analysis of his artworks in two settings : the yard and the museum

The contemporary artist, Lonnie Holley, creates assemblage sculptures using found objects that he then places in his multi-layered yard art environment. With the rise in prestige of folk art, many art galleries and museums have displayed the works of Holley, removing them from the yard art environment and placing them in the gallery setting. This paper addresses how meaning changes when the context of Holley’s artworks changes.

False anglicisms in the Spanish language of fashion and beauty

Many works have already dealt with anglicisms in Spanish, especially in science and information technologies. However, despite the high and growing number of English terms incorporated daily by the language of fashion, it has received comparative less attention in lexicographic and terminological studies than that of other areas, such as science or business. For several reasons, which include prestige or peer pressure, Spanish has not only adopted English words with new meanings and usage, but also contains other forms based on English patterns which users seem to consider more accurate or expressive. This paper concentrates on false anglicisms as indicators of some of the special relationships and influences between languages arising from the pervasive presence of English. We shall look at the Spanish language of fashion, which, in addition to genuine anglicisms, has for some time been using English words with different meanings, or even created items of its own (or imported them from other languages) with the appearance of English words. These false anglicisms, which have proven extremely popular in receiving languages (not only in Spanish) have frequently been disseminated by youth magazines and the new digital media, both in general spheres and in fashion-specific contexts.

Traducir en tiempos de crisis: estudio comparativo de la traducción francés-español de colocaciones en el lenguaje de los negocios

El presente artículo estudia la traducción de las colocaciones formadas a partir del término crise, aparecidas en un corpus especializado. Tras reseñar algunos trabajos previos sobre lenguaje económico y metáfora en tiempos de crisis, se clasifican las colocaciones originales identificadas en el corpus según diversos conceptos metafóricos. Por último, se analizan las estrategias de traducción y se valoran con el apoyo de un corpus comparable ad hoc. El análisis revela, por una parte, que las metáforas identificadas pueden asociarse a conceptos como, entre otros, alimentos, catástrofes, enfermedades, objetos o pozos, y, por otra parte, que existe una clara tendencia a la traducción literal, especialmente en el caso de las expresiones asociadas a las enfermedades, si bien también se dan en menor medida otras estrategias de traducción. Los resultados del estudio son de utilidad para la enseñanza de la traducción y el lenguaje económico o en la elaboración de repertorios fraseológicos.

Los cinco testamentos de Francisco Xavier Balmis

El reciente hallazgo de los Protocolos Testamentarios Francisco Xavier Balmis (1753-1819), director de la Real Expedición Filantrópica de la Vacuna, constituye una nueva fuente documental para explorar su perfil biográfico. Balmis redactó un total de cinco testamentos que abarcan el periodo de 1803-1818 y coinciden con momentos cruciales de su vida. Su análisis ha permitido establecer interesantes observaciones que certifican su inseguridad personal antes de afrontar la expedición, su desamparo al ser despojado de sus bienes por adherirse a la causa monárquica frente a Napoleón, el consuelo al serle restituidos sus honores y hacienda o la entereza para afrontar sus últimos momentos. Revelan que Balmis supo hacer de la carrera profesional como cirujano militar un instrumento para alcanzar el prestigio social, y desmienten los supuestos sobre un final oscuro. El inventario de sus bienes ratifica su desahogada situación económica y su capacidad para gestionarlos. Las fuentes notariales se acreditan con este caso de Balmis, un funcionario de la Corona, como un ejemplo para el estudio de las oligarquías urbanas del Antiguo Régimen.

Mujeres en la Acción Católica y el Opus Dei. Identidades de género y culturas políticas en el catolicismo de los años sesenta

En los años sesenta, dos organizaciones católicas con prestigio y poder ofrecieron espacios de actuación y modelos de comportamiento a las mujeres de clase media españolas: el Opus Dei y la Acción Católica. Ambas reproducían desde sus inicios discursos y prácticas de género jerarquizadas, de acuerdo con la cultura política nacionalcatólica. Sin embargo, las Mujeres de Acción Católica experimentaron una clara evolución hacia posiciones críticas con el poder y emancipatorias, que supusieron una reformulación de las identidades de género en clave igualitaria desde la cultura política conciliar. Por su parte, la sección femenina del Opus Dei mantuvo tesis propias de la cultura política nacionalcatólica integrista, un discurso que ensalzaba la domesticidad y una práctica de subordinación a los varones, reafirmando la identidad femenina católica tradicional bajo un ropaje moderno.

Reto educativo : la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en los libros de texto : contrastes y semejanzas entre los manuales empleados en Castelo Branco, Portugal y Michoacán, México

El objetivo de este artículo es presentar los resultados del análisis de un conjunto de libros de texto con la finalidad de averiguar si las imágenes en ellos contenidas promueven los principios de igualdad y equidad de género. La muestra tomada para el estudio se compone de un total de seis manuales del curso escolar 2010/2011, tres de Michoacán, México, y tres de Castelo Branco, Portugal, correspondientes a las asignaturas de ciencias, lengua y geografía. Se utilizaron estratégias metodológicas mixtas, debido a que el empleo de métodos de corte cuantitativo y de corte cualitativo nos ofrece la posibilidad de elaborar un análisis que, además de contrastar los datos obtenidos, profundiza sobre la temática abordada. Los resultados obtenidos indican que los y las adolescentes no disponen, en los manuales examinados, de referentes suficientes que les permitan romper/ deconstruir los estereotipos de género tradicionalmente atribuidos a uno y otro sexo. Tanto las ilustraciones como el contenido de las mismas muestran mayoritariamente a mujeres desempeñando papeles psicosociales relacionados con el cuidado de los otros/as, mientras que los hombres aparecen casi siempre realizando trabajos remunerados y de prestigio (científicos, gobernantes). En las conclusiones de este artículo se cuestiona la presencia del sexismo en los libros de texto, con la intención de incorporar la perspectiva de género a los manuales didácticos, lo que permitiría transmitir al alumnado patrones de comportamiento y modelos que se ajusten a una realidad social regida por la igualdad y la justicia.

Who reads Tocqueville today?

Esta comunicação irá ser publicada no próximo número da Newsletter do RC16 Sociological Theory da International Sociological Association, em Dezembro de 2016.

Proximité à distance : les fonctions critiques de la mimêsis dans la pensée de Theodor W. Adorno

La présente thèse entend donner sens à un concept qui occupe une place centrale au sein de la pensée de Theodor W. Adorno mais qui, parce que notoirement difficile à définir, n’a pas reçu l’attention qu’il mérite : la mimêsis (Mimesis). Il s’agira, plus exactement, de comprendre la mimêsis comme un point nodal de la critique adornienne, qui nous permet de comprendre au nom et en vue de quoi elle se déploie. Car sous toutes ses acceptions – et nous verrons qu’elles sont fort variées – la mimêsis adornienne est toujours invoquée dans le but de contrecarrer les tendances hétéronomes (c’est-à-dire : déshumanisantes) propres aux sociétés capitalistes avancées. Surtout, elle est constamment présentée comme un correctif matérialiste au type de rationalité abstraite qui sous-tend ces sociétés. Cette tâche s’avère d’autant plus lourde que, malgré son important poids normatif, la mimêsis ne fait pas l’objet, chez Adorno, d’une théorisation explicite. Il nous faudra pallier cette indétermination, en identifiant d’abord les assises normatives les plus premières de la critique adornienne (0.0. Introduction : les fondements normatifs de la critique adornienne), pour ensuite rendre compte des fonctions particulières qu’occupe la mimêsis au sein de cette critique (1.0. Les fonctions critiques de la mimêsis adornienne). Ce travail de débroussaillage exégétique et interprétatif nous permettra de constater que la mimêsis adornienne recèle trois types de potentiels critiques distincts. D’abord, en ce qu’elle est présentée – dans les travaux des années 1930 et 1940 surtout – comme une impulsion psychosomatique à même de trahir, l’instant d’une brève résistance, la violence infligée à la nature intérieure et extérieure de l’homme par les forces réificatrices de la rationalité instrumentale (Instrumentelle Vernunft), la mimêsis adornienne peut être comprise comme un mimétisme (Mimikry) bioanthropologique dont la valeur est principalement expressive (2.O. Mimikry : le potentiel bioanthropologique de la mimêsis). Ensuite, lorsqu’elle sera pensée – à partir de la fin des années 50 surtout – comme une compétence proprement épistémique qui permet au sujet connaissant de rencontrer à nouveau puis de redéterminer les objets de son expérience, la mimêsis adornienne peut être comprise comme un correctif critique à la logique appropriative de la pensée identifiante (identifizierendes Denken) (3.O. Affinität et Entäusserung : le potentiel épistémique de la mimêsis). Enfin, dans la mesure où elle informe le modus operandi de l’oeuvre d’art d’avant-garde telle que défendue par Adorno dans la Théorie esthétique, et qui consiste à détourner, en les retournant contre elles-mêmes, les contraintes imposées par le monde totalement administré (total verwaltete Welt), la mimêsis peut être comprise comme une Methexis subversive, c’est-à-dire comme une stratégie séditieuse à même de conjurer l’hétéronomie sociale en l’anticipant et en l’incorporant (4.0. Methexis subversive : le potentiel stratégique de la mimêsis). Ainsi, tout en voulant rendre justice à la très grande polysémie du concept, nous aimerions démontrer que la mimêsis adornienne pointe constamment vers une forme ou une autre de résistance : comme expression, comme extériorisation ou comme subversion.

The crisis in Iraq and the twists and turns of Turkish Middle East policy. OSW Commentary No. 142, 29.07.2014

The spectacular offensive by Islamic radicals in Iraq this June has led the country to the verge of collapse, and is another scene of the deep crisis in the Middle East, in which Turkey is entangled. The immediate consequence of this is a severe crisis of prestige after the kidnapping by terrorists of Turkish diplomats and Ankara’s inability to resolve the situation; in the long term consequences include escalation of the Kurdish problem, and a further increase in threats to the security of Turkey itself as well as the fundamental principles of its foreign policy. Both Ankara’s options and its political will to actively respond to the crisis are extremely limited. Yet again in recent years, the current crisis, the broader situation in the Middle East, and finally the position of Turkey in the region elude unambiguous assessments and forecasts – these are prevented by the scale and growth of the reappraisals and tensions in the region. The only undoubted fact is that Turkey is strategically and irreversibly entangled in the Middle East’s problems, which are an important factor affecting the transformation of the state which the ruling AKP is implementing; and in the near future, this state of affairs will only deepen.

A bottomless pit: the costs of Crimea’s annexation by Russia. OSW Commentary No. 143, 29.07.2014

The annexation of Crimea has brought the Russian authorities significant dividends, in particular on the domestic stage: it has resulted in an unprecedented social and political consolidation, and strengthened Vladimir Putin’s position after several years of decline in social support for him. It has provided Russia with strategic benefits, giving it broad access to the Black Sea and the military infrastructure on the peninsula, as well as access to natural gas and crude oil reserves. Russia has also taken over numerous assets (including the tourist infrastructure) previously owned by the Ukrainian state. However, the decision itself concerning Moscow’s annexation of Crimea was taken off the cuff, with no calculation of the costs of integrating it with the Russian legal, political and socio-economic space. Russia took over a region that required subsidies from the Ukrainian budget; moreover, the annexation struck at the most important industry of the Crimean economy – tourism. Crimea’s integration with Russia will be a complex process that entails high costs, financial, organisational and social, including multi-billion dollar investments in the modernisation and development of infrastructure, covering the region’s budget deficit, and paying out social benefits. For reasons of prestige and political significance, Moscow is treating Crimea as a showcase region. Russia is determined to prove that the Crimean incorporation will be beneficial for the region’s economy and will raise people’s living standards. However, the expenses triggered by Crimea’s integration will coincide with a deteriorating economic situation in Russia, aggravated by US and EU sanctions, and this may force Russia to postpone or even give up some of its ambitious investments in the peninsula. Some of the integration costs will have to be borne by other Russian regions, even though they already face serious financial problems that have forced them to reduce their own investment programs. Another issue that has come into question is the fulfilment of the Crimean people’s’ expectations concerning the improvement of their living standards, due to the tourist sector’s problems (small-scale tourist services used to be one of the local people’s main sources of income), the rising costs of maintenance, and finally, restrictions of civil rights after the introduction of the more restrictive Russian legislation.

"Creeping" civil war in the North Caucasus. OSW Commentary No. 50, 2011-03-15

Over the last year, the situation in Russia’s North Caucasus has become further destabilised. Attacks and armed clashes happen daily, and destabilisation is spreading to an increasingly large area. The extent of violence in the region is so great that it can already be stated that a de facto civil war is taking place, the warring parties being the Islamic armed underground movement which operates under the banner of the so-called Emirate of the North Caucasus, and the secular governments of the individual republics, who are supported by local and federal branches of the Russian Federation’s Interior Ministry and Federal Security Service. Moscow has no idea how to successfully tackle the Caucasus rebellion. Force has proved to be costly and unproductive, while the attempts made since early 2010 to integrate the region with the rest of Russia by implementing development programmes have not brought the desired results, because of widespread corruption and faint interest from businessmen who are afraid to invest in such an unsafe region. A growing problem for Moscow, particularly for the prestige of the state, is attacks by militants on areas near Sochi, where the 2014 Winter Olympics is to take place. It must be assumed that over the next 3 years before the Olympics, Moscow’s priority in the region will be to ensure the safety of Olympic preparations, and then the games themselves. It cannot be ruled out that the North Caucasus Federal District with its ‘troubled republics’ will be surrounded by a kind of cordon sanitaire (Sochi is situated in the neighbouring Southern Federal District). This could in turn strengthen these republics’ isolation, maintain the state of permanent instability, and postpone the prospects of solving the region’s acute economic and social problems.

Estonia in the eurozone - a strategic success. OSW Commentary No. 53, 2011-06-20

The adoption of the euro in January 2011 topped off Estonia’s integration policy. In the opinion of Estonian politicians, this country has never been so secure and stable in its history. Tallinn sees the introduction of the euro primarily in the political context as an entrenchment of the Estonian presence in Europe. The process of establishing increasingly close relations with Western European countries, which the country has consistently implemented since it restored independence in 1991, has been aimed at severing itself its Soviet past and at a gradual reduction of the gap existing between Estonia and the best-developed European economies. The Estonian government also prioritises the enhancement of co-operation as part of the EU and NATO as well as its principled fulfilment of the country’s undertakings. It sees these as important elements for building the country’s international prestige. The meeting of the Maastricht criteria at the time of an economic slump and the adoption of the euro during the eurozone crisis proved the determination and efficiency of the government in Tallinn. Its success has been based on strong support from the Estonian public for the pro-European (integrationist) policy of Estonia: according to public opinion polls, approximately 80% of the country’s residents declare their satisfaction with EU membership, while support for the euro ranges between 50% and 60%. Since Estonia joined the OECD in 2010 and adopted the euro at the beginning of 2011, it has become the leader of integration processes among the Baltic states. The introduction of the euro has reinforced Estonia’s international image and made it more attractive to foreign investors. The positive example of this country may be used as a strong argument by the governments in Lithuania and Latvia when they take action to meet the Maastricht criteria. Vilnius and Riga claim they want to adopt the euro in 2014. The improving economic situation in the Baltic states will contribute to the achievement of this goal, while an excessively high inflation rate, as in 2007, may be the main impediment1.

Russia's development assistance. OSW Commentary No. 62, 2011-10-10

In its attempts to catch up with the global trend, Russia began granting development assistance in 2004. From the onset of Russia’s commitment, the aid delivered has increased fivefold and reached approximately US$ 500 million in 2010. Russian aid, albeit distributed nearly exclusively via international organisations, has been granted above all to members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). In recent months work on the establishment of the Russian development assistance system has been accelerated (a national strategy is being prepared and a specialised agency is to be established). This move proves that the Kremlin attaches weight to activity in this area which is an element of soft power politics, the foundations of which Moscow is currently attempting to lay. In its commitment to development co-operation Russia has sought on the one hand to increase its prestige on the international stage and on the other hand to gain another instrument of exerting its ascendancy in the CIS. The scale of aid and the way of delivering it have not made Russia an important global actor. Over the last five years Russia increased the funding allocated to development assistance several times, however, compared to other donors its aid does not appear impressive. The resources dedicated to this end stand at a mere 0.035% of Russian GDP. Unlike other non-Western superpowers such as China or India, Russia is not a competitor for Western countries in this area on the global scale. Nevertheless, within the CIS, Russia’s aid is building the country’s position as a donor. The long-term results of this aid are however being counteracted by the fact that Russia is expecting measurable and direct political and economic benefits in return. Although this policy helps Moscow achieve its objectives in the CIS, it does not develop Russian potential in the sphere of soft power or create a positive image of the country.

Turkey: has the AKP ended its winning streak? OSW Commentary No. 117, 2013-10-07

Since the conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) took power in Turkey in 2002, it has enjoyed a constant winning streak: it won each election (with a support level of 49.83% in 2011), subordinated the army (which had de facto stood above the civilian government) and was reforming the country. The situation in the country was stable (especially when compared to the crises and restlessness in the 1990s), the economy was booming, Turkey’s position in regional politics was strengthening, and Ankara’s significance on the international arena was growing. This encouraged the ruling class to make long-term plans, leading up to the hundredth anniversary of the republic in 2023. In the coming decade, Turkey governed by the AKP was to become one of the global economic and political centres, a full member of the EU and at the same time a political and economic leader in the Middle East. However, the negative trends in the situation both domestically (mass public protests, the deadlocked Kurdish issue and the unsuccessful attempt to amend the constitution) and abroad (the war in Syria and the coup in Egypt) seen over the past few months have laid bare the limitations of the AKP’s rule and have affected the government’s democratic mandate, prestige and credibility on the international arena, as well as peace and order and domestic security. When compared to the beginning of 2013, the way the situation will develop in Turkey is at this moment definitely less predictable; and the possible scenarios include both relative peace (however, with socio-political tension present in the background) and the threat of destabilisation. Therefore, although the AKP will still remain the sole major political force, this party will have to face challenges which will decide not only its political future but also the directions the country will be developing in. However, a comprehensive solution of the accumulated problems and a simple return to the status quo ante, convenient to the government, seem unlikely in the foreseeable future.