Towards biological control strategies for the bronze bug, Thaumastocoris peregrinus, on eucalyptus plantations in South America

The bronze bug is an invasive Australian pest that has reached eucalypt production areas worldwide in <10 years. The fi rst record in South America was in 2005 in Argentina. Collaboration in the region towards a unifi ed strategy for the management of the bronze bug started soon after the dispersal of the pest into Brazil and Uruguay was confi rmed. Here, we present the main achievements of this collaboration in four main topics: 1) biology of the pest, 2) monitoring, 3) biological control, and 4) cooperative networks. Two mass rearing procedures have been implemented in the region with relative success, allowing basic biological studies on the pest. Continuous monitoring in the region for >5 years has provided a reasonable knowledge on seasonal patterns of T. peregrinus. Biological control strategies developed include the use of local natural enemies of T. peregrinus, the development of biopesticides, and the introduction of Cleruchoides noackae, an egg parasitoid of T. peregrinus from Australia. We review the main achievements in each country. Finally, a regional network of institutions, researchers, and students has strengthened in the region, providing a solid background for future collaboration.

Lupe e paisagem

Trata-se de um relato pessoal em que o autor rememora sua convivência com Lupe Cotrim, de quem foi aluno na então recém-fundada Escola de Comunicações, no conturbado período da ditadura militar.

La regulación de los servicios de electricidad en Argentina y Brasil (1890-1962)

El artículo analiza la evolución de la regulación del sector eléctrico en Argentina y Brasil entre 1890 y 1960. Desde la instalación de las primeras usinas eléctricas a fines del siglo diecinueve hasta los años treinta, el control de las empresas concesionarias estuvo a cargo de las autoridades municipales en ambos países. No obstante, la similar estructura de los sistemas eléctricos en Argentina y en Brasil, la participación del estado en la regulación de este sector estratégico para el desarrollo económico, se produjo en diferentes coyunturas. Como resultado de la crisis de 1930, el gobierno brasileño transformó los principios jurídicos que reglamentaban la gestión de la electricidad aplicando un criterio de regulación discrecional; mientras que el estado argentino intervino una década más tarde, nacionalizando las empresas. Mediante la comparación de las trayectorias regulatorias en ambos países, se identifican las divergencias en las políticas eléctricas y su impacto en los sistemas eléctricos en los años de la segunda posguerra.

Epatite E: ruolo del suino nella trasmissione dell'infezione all'uomo, studio di prevalenza in aree rurali della Bolivia

L’infezione da virus dell’ epatite E (HEV) nei suini e nell’uomo è stata segnalata in diversi Paesi. Nei suini, il virus causa infezioni asintomatiche, mentre nell’uomo è responsabile di epidemie di epatite ad andamento acuto nei Paesi a clima tropicale o subtropicale con condizioni igieniche scadenti, di casi sporadici in quelli sviluppati. HEV è stato isolato anche in diversi animali e l’analisi nucleotidica degli isolati virali di origine animale ha mostrato un elevato grado di omologia con i ceppi di HEV umani isolati nelle stesse aree geografiche, avvalorando l’ipotesi che l'infezione da HEV sia una zoonosi. In America del Sud HEV suino è stato isolato per la prima volta in suini argentini nel 2006, mentre solo dal 1998 esistono dati sull’ infezione da HEV nell’uomo in Bolivia. In questa indagine è stato eseguito uno studio di sieroprevalenza in due comunità rurali boliviane e i risultati sono stati confrontati con quelli dello studio di sieroprevalenza sopra menzionato condotto in altre zone rurali della Bolivia. Inoltre, mediante Nested RT-PCR, è stata verificata la presenza di HEV nella popolazione umana e suina. La sieroprevalenza per anticorpi IgG anti-HEV è risultata pari al 6,2%, molto simile a quella evidenziata nello studio precedente. La prevalenza maggiore (24%) si è osservata nei soggetti di età compresa tra 41 e 50 anni, confermando che l’ infezione da HEV è maggiore fra i giovani-adulti. La ricerca di anticorpi anti HEV di classe IgM eseguita su 52 sieri ha fornito 4 risultati positivi. Il genoma virale è stato identificato in uno dei 22 pool di feci umane e l'esame virologico di 30 campioni individuali fecali e 7 individuali di siero ha fornito rispettivamente risultati positivi in 4/30 e 1/7. La Nested RT-PCR eseguita sui 22 pool di feci suine ha dato esito positivo in 7 pool. L’analisi delle sequenze genomiche di tutti gli amplificati ha consentito di stabilire che gli isolati umani appartenevano allo stesso genotipo III di quelli suini e presentavano con questi una elevata omologia aminoacidica (92%).

I Gesuiti americani espulsi in Italia e Joaquín Camaño (1767-1814)

Joaquín Camaño fu un gesuita della Provincia del Paraguay, vissuto nell' esilio italiano la maggior parte della sua vita dal 1767 al 1820. Il suo lavoro e la sua fama possono essere considerati di minore importanza se paragonati a molti altri gesuiti esiliati per ordine di Carlo III alla fine del XVIII secolo in Emilia-Romagna. Attraverso la mia ricerca approfondisco il ruolo di J. Camaño quale personaggio minore che entra nella vita degli altri espulsi tramite un dinamico network relazionale di cui è stato uno dei principali artefici. Il mio obiettivo è stato quello di studiare l'impatto che ebbero gli esuli gesuiti americani, attraverso la vita di Joaquin Camaño, sul mondo intellettuale italiano, europeo ed americano dopo l'espulsione del 1767. Egli, con i suoi studi, si inserisce nella rinnovata e vivace retorica del “Mondo Nuovo” che in quegli anni assume un grande dinamismo. Nato nella modesta città di La Rioja, in Argentina, si erge come un brillante cartografo, etnografo e linguista nel contesto dell'Illustrazione europea grazie alla sua particolare vita da missionario. Dopo l'espulsione, Joaquin Camaño, insieme ad altri numerosi confratelli americani, arriverà a Faenza, nello Stato Pontificio, dedicandosi allo studio della cartografia, dell'etnografia e delle lingue americane. Le sue ricerche si collocano in un momento nevralgico per la storia del pensiero linguistico-antropologico, quando l'osservazione diretta e la riflessione teorica dei fenomeni si misuravano con la grande varietà umana ormai riscontrata nel mondo.

Egemonia, socialismo e democrazia nell’occidente periferico. Gli studi gramsciani di Aricó e Portantiero tra Argentina e Messico.

La ricerca si propone di mostrare come il pensiero gramsciano sia stato riferimento prioritario di due intellettuali argentini in esilio in Messico dal 1976 al 1983: Juan Carlos Portantiero e José Maria Aricó. In quel periodo incentrarono le loro elaborazioni teorico-politiche sull’analisi della relazione tra Stato, società civile, democrazia e socialismo, partendo da una prospettiva gramsciana. Il fallimento della guerra di movimento in Argentina nei primi anni settanta li condusse a riflettere su strategie alternative di transizione al socialismo, il cui punto focale fu il concetto di "Egemonia". A partire dal 1975 indirizzarono la ripresa del pensiero di Gramsci alla creazione di un progetto politico adatto ad un contesto sempre più "occidentale", caratterizzato dalla presenza di una "società civile complessa", in cui risultava necessario combattere "guerre di posizione" e non "guerre di movimento". La prospettiva che connotò questo approccio alle riflessioni gramsciane rappresenta il culmine di un percorso che iniziarono negli anni ’50, quando sorsero i primi studi del pensiero gramsciano in Argentina. Sin da allora, Aricó e Portantiero si occuparono di Gramsci insieme al dirigente del PC argentino Agosti e continuarono a farlo anche durante gli anni sessanta e i primi anni settanta sulla rivista Pasado y Presente. Fu, però, nel periodo dell’esilio che ne ripresero il pensiero considerandolo nella sua totalità, a partire dagli scritti giovanili sino ai Quaderni del Carcere, rielaborandolo in maniera originale e costruendo una propria proposta di cammino verso socialismo nell' "occidente periferico" dell'Argentina, influenzati dall'azione del Partito Comunista Italiano.

Il riconoscimento della protezione internazionale: il ruolo dell'interprete nei colloqui con i richiedenti asilo e i rifugiati. Italia e Argentina a confronto.

L’obiettivo del presente elaborato è quello di analizzare diversi aspetti legati alla protezione internazionale e all’iter per il riconoscimento dello status di rifugiato in Italia e in Argentina. In primo luogo, viene effettuato un breve excursus della normativa vigente che viene analizzata su cinque livelli, ossia internazionale, europeo, italiano, latino-americano e argentino. In secondo luogo, vengono presentate le diverse fasi della procedura da seguire per richiedere asilo nei due Stati: la richiesta di protezione internazionale, la convocazione e l’audizione da parte degli organi competenti alla valutazione dell’istanza e, infine, la decisione. In seguito, viene approfondito nello specifico il ruolo dell’interprete nei colloqui con i richiedenti asilo e i rifugiati. In particolare, viene analizzata l’audizione per il riconoscimento della protezione internazionale, ossia la fase dell’iter in cui si decide la concessione o meno dello status di rifugiato, con il fine di scoprire se esistono delle peculiarità proprie di questo setting specifico rispetto ad altri ambiti giuridici. A tal proposito, vengono analizzati i fattori che la costituiscono, l’influenza che tali aspetti esercitano sull’interazione, nonché sull’interpretazione e le difficoltà di tipo linguistico-culturale e psicologico che l’interprete si può trovare ad affrontare. Infine, vengono presentate quattro interviste che raccontano l’esperienza concreta di interpreti e mediatori e che mostrano fino a che punto la teoria analizzata trova un riscontro nella pratica professionale quotidiana.

Unterstützung der Demokratie in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten : eine empirische Analyse am Beispiel der Wirtschaftskrise in Argentinien 2001/02

Ökonomische Krisen stellen eine Gefahr für junge demokratische Staaten dar, da das Überleben eines demokratischen Regimes am Anfang stark mit seiner Leistungsfähigkeit zusammenhängt. In der Forschung wird politische Unterstützung als wichtiger Faktor für die Erhaltung eines bestimmten Systemtypus diskutiert. Im Fokus dieser Studie steht der Zusammenhang zwischen (diffuser) politischer Unterstützung und der wirtschaftlichen Performanz vor dem Hintergrund einer schweren Wirtschaftskrise in dem jungen demokratischen Regime Argentiniens. In empirischen Analysen werden die Einstellungen der argentinischen Bevölkerung zum demokratischen System sowie deren Akteuren untersucht, um diesen Zusammenhang zu überprüfen.

Homicide-suicide cases in Switzerland and their impact on the Swiss Weapon Law

Homicide followed by the suicide of the offender is a well-known phenomenon. In most cases, it takes place in the context of the so-called "family tragedies." A recent series of such family tragedies in Switzerland prompted an intensive debate in the media and the Swiss government concerning the Swiss Weapon Law, in particular the requirement to keep personal army weapons at home. The present study of Homicide-Suicide cases in Switzerland, thus focuses on the role played by guns, especially military weapons, in such crimes. We investigated retrospectively 75 cases of Homicide-Suicide, comprising 172 individuals and spanning a period of 23 years in western and central Switzerland. Our results show that if guns were used in 76% of the cases, army weapons were the cause of death in 25% of the total. In 28% of the deaths caused by a gunshot, the exact type of the gun and its origin could not be determined. Thus, the majority of Homicide-Suicide cases in Switzerland involve the use of guns. The exact percentage of cases were military weapons were involved could not be defined. In our opinion, a stricter weapons law, restricting access to firearms, would be a factor of prevention of Homicide- Suicide cases in Switzerland.

Things Fall Apart: Dictatorships, Development, and Democracy in Africa

Recent events in Africa provide evidence of the failure of dictatorships to meet the needs of citizens and serve to debunk a number of development theory assumptions: that democratization is culturally determined, that democratization will follow economic development, and that dictatorships tend to produce durable, stable development. Therefore, the attempt to achieve development without democratization is risky and potentially very costly. We argue that dictatorship in Africa serves a function akin to Myrdal's backwash effects, thwarting economic progress in a cumulative and circular way, and that democratization must become a necessary criterion of engagement with African countries.

Organizational Frames for Professional Claims: Private Military Corporations and the Rise of the Military Paraprofessional

Corporations, nongovernmental organizations, and other organizational forms are major players in the sodal world. Recently, sociological scholarship on organizations has converged with research on the professions to discuss the ways in which professions are shaped or influenced by different organizational forms. In this article, I borrows from the notion of framing within social movement research to argue that organizational forms frame the bids of aspiring professionals. More specifically, I argue that certain organizational forms-such as that of the modern corporation-can aid would-be professionals in making their claims for professional recognition. Organizations do this, I argue, by providing aspiring professionals with a ready-made setting, rationale, and guarantees that make the newcomers more easily recognizable as professionals to outside audiences. I explore this argument by examining how the corporate form has facilitated private military contractors in their attempts to legitimate and develop this highly controversial new industry. The data are drawn from my interviews with private military contractors, state officials, and other interested parties surrounding private military corporations, as well as from archival data that detail the rise of the private military industry.

Does Israel Follow the Law? A Critical Analysis of Israel's Application of the International Law of Belligerent Occupation in the Occupied Territories

Israel's occupation of territories it captured in 1967 has become one of the longest and most controversial occupations of the last fifty years. Eschewing the traditional political analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this paper aims to explore whether Israel has adequately applied international law in the occupied territories, in particular, the law of belligerent occupation. The two actors under assessment are the Israeli government, particularly its military which enforces and maintains the law in the territories, and the Supreme Court of Israel, which has the power of review over military actions in the territories. The particular issues of the occupation that are critically analyzed are the general legal framework that Israel established in the territories, Israel's civilian settlement policy in territories, and Israel's construction of a barrier in the West Bank. This paper concludes that Israel has incorrectly applied the legal framework of belligerent occupation by refusing to apply the Fourth Geneva Convention; it has wrongly concluded that the establishment of civilian settlements in the territories conform with international law; yet it has rightly concluded that the construction of the barrier in the West Bank is permissible under international law, in contrast to the conclusion of the much publicized International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion on the 'Wall.' Along with these general assessments, the author will also provide some historical and political insight into why the Israeli government and the Supreme Court may have applied the law in the way that they did.

[Bullet and shrapnel injuries in the face and neck regions. Current aspects of wound ballistics]

A basic understanding of the ballistic behaviour of projectiles or fragments after entering the human body is essential for the head and neck surgeon in the military environment in order to anticipate the diagnostic and therapeutic consequences of this type of injury. Although a large number of factors influence the missile in flight and after penetration of the body, the most important factor is the amount of energy transmitted to the tissue. Long guns (rifles or shotguns) have a much higher muzzle energy compared to handguns, explaining why the remote effects beyond the bullet track play a major role. While most full metal jacket bullets release their energy after 12-20 cm (depending on the calibre), soft point bullets release their energy immediately after entry into the human body. This results in a major difference in extremity wounds, but not so much in injuries with long bullet paths (e.g. diagonal shots). Shrapnel wounds are usually produced with similarly high kinetic energy to those caused by hand- and long guns. However, fragments tend to dissipate the entire amount of energy within the body, which increases the degree of tissue disruption. Of all relevant injuries in the head and neck region, soft tissue injuries make up the largest proportion (60%), while injuries to the face are seen three times more often than injuries to the neck. Concomitant intracranial or spinal injury is seen in 30% of cases. Due to high levels of wound contamination, the infection rate is approximately 15%, often associated with a complicated and/or multiresistant spectrum of germs.

La Sojización: The Soyization" of the Argentine Countryside in the Province of Santa Fe"

In the present era of transnational capitalism, some scholars contend that capital accumulation is achieved primarily through dispossession. This paper seeks to analyze the effects of this dispossession upon small agricultural producers in the developing world. By employing the example of soy producers in Argentina, it should become abundantly clear that the issues confronting these farmers are not simply domestic questions but rather indicative of larger structural issues embedded in the global capitalist system.

Non-State United States Support For The Contras During The Reagan Era

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.