Charles Handy: The exemplary guru

Among many managers Charles Handy might well be described as a ‘world class’ management thinker. He is certainly the first British management author to have achieved international guru status. The author of widely-commended management best-sellers and MBA set texts, known through broadcasting and management videos, he has presented himself more recently as a self-styled ‘social philosopher’. But just how philosophical is he? Does he offer genuinely new ideas? And what explains his vast appeal? Ashly Pinnington considers three works from Handy’s social philosopher period. He argues that they are conservative and focused on the interests of managers and business owners rather than employees or society as a whole. Like a mediaeval friar seeking converts, Handy uses mythic structures and exempla to invest his claims and propositions with plausibility and authority. Drawing on research into management gurus as a phenomenon, Ashly Pinnington concludes that when we read authors like Handy we should attend not merely to the ‘philosophy’ but also to the way narrative techniques are used in conveying ideological and moral messages.

The wedding of Prince Charles and Camilla Parker-Bowles: royal mediation and press mediatization

Bearing in mind the relationship between discourse and society at large, this article addresses the way the British monarchy represented Charles’s second marriage and the way the media constructed their accounts in the period from 10 February (announcement) until 9 April 2005 (wedding) in relation to wider issues such as power relations, newspaper economic structures and popular culture. Particular attention is paid to the multifunctional features of discourse (i.e. its ideational, interpersonal and textual functions), which requires a contextualized reading of a dual process of mediation: on the one hand, the staging of the ceremony by St. James’s Palace and its strategy for attaining monologic closure and, on the other hand, discursive representations by the British press open to a polyphony of voices and discursive frames

AQUILINO RIBEIRO AND THE MODERNISTS - PORTRAITS OF THE FIRST PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC

Portuguese version:

Os Dízimos no Final do Antigo Regime: aspectos económicos e sociais (Minho, 1820-1834)

Dissertação de Mestrado em História dos Séculos XIX-XX (secção do século XIX)

Charles e Ray Eames, o casamento entre razão e emoção no design

O racionalismo surge como uma corrente filosófica, cuja operação mental e lógica é evidenciada. Sendo a principal característica do pensamento moderno o método, a bauhaus representa para o design a forma como a indústria se despiu dos ornamentos, buscando o ideal de forma e função. Numa corrente contemporânea, o design emocional retoma, além das funções que um objeto pode ter, estéticas, práticas e simbólicas, também as emocionais de identificação, fazendo rever os métodos. Este artigo faz uma relação deste contexto com a forma brilhante com que o casal Charles e Ray Eames, criou um método absolutamente emocional para a criação do design, iniciando, com a invenção do contraplacado, e depois com acesso a diversas tecnologias advindas do pós-guerra, um processo muito interessante de construção de design, aliando arte e técnica, produzindo assentos atemporais, encontrados facilmente no mundo contemporâneo.

Lisboa romântica : urbanismo e arquitectura, 1777-1874

Dissertação para obtenção do grau de Doutor em Historia da Arte

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Owner portraits and heraldry in the "Lamoignon Hours"

Because of the distance in time and the lack of testifying documents, one should be extremely careful when labelling portraits in medieval books of hours as donor portraits or owner portraits. There are, however, manuscripts that reveal their first owner within their decorative programme, and the Lamoignon Hours (Lisbon, Gulbenkian, ms LA 237) is one of these. This article aims to discuss the iconography of the three portraits found on f.165v, f.202v and f.286v, as well as the relevance of portraiture and heraldic insignia in books of hours and the significance of such content to the original owner and to those who possessed the book afterwards.

Primeiro registro de Phanoxyla hystrix (R. Felder, [1874]) (Lepidoptera, Sphingidae) para o estado de Rondônia, Brasil

Um macho de Phanoxyla hystrix (R. Felder, [1874]) foi coletado em Porto Velho, representando o primeiro registro para o estado de Rondônia, Brasil.

A crise política da Província de Goiás e o movimento separatista do Norte no período da independência do Brasil, 1820-1824

Dissertação de mestrado em História

Plantae Wilsonianae :an enumeration of the woody plants collected in western China for the Arnold arboretum of Harvard university during the years 1907, 1908, and 1910 /by E. H. Wilson, ed. by Charles Sprague Sargent.

1916 v.2