924 resultados para welfare state - social policy
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Although there is significant interest in the social role of sport in fostering civil society from both policymakers and academics, there is a lack of evidence of the specific role of sport federations in this system. This book critically presents the mechanisms and structures in a selection of sport federations within a variety of European countries that illuminate the varied relationships between not-for-profit sport federations, their members, governments and the citizens they represent. The contributors explore the contrasts and synergies between core social capital theoretical perspectives, and how these may be informed by and/or shape the realities of governance from different perspectives within the sport system.
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Active labor-market policies (ALMPs) have developed significantly over the past two decades across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, with substantial cross-national differences in terms of both extent and overall orientation. The objective of this article is to account for cross-national variation in this policy field. It starts by reviewing existing scholarship concerning political, institutional, and ideational determinants of ALMPs. It then argues that ALMP is too broad a category to be used without further specification, and it develops a typology of four different types of ALMPs: incentive reinforcement, employment assistance, occupation, and human capital investment. These are discussed and examined through ALMP expenditure profiles in selected countries. The article uses this typology to analyze ALMP trajectories in six Western European countries and shows that the role of this instrument changes dramatically over time. It concludes that there is little regularity in the political determinants of ALMPs. In contrast, it finds strong institutional and ideational effects, nested in the interaction between the changing economic context and existing labor-market policies.
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Based on the case of reforms aimed at integrating the provision of income protection and employment services for jobless people in Europe, this thesis seeks to understand the reasons which may prompt governments to engage in large-scale organisational reforms. Over the last 20 years, several European countries have indeed radically redesigned the organisational structure of their welfare state by merging or bundling existing front-line offices in charge of benefit payment and employment services together into 'one-stop' agencies. Whereas in academic and political debates, these reforms are generally presented as a necessary and rational response to the problems and inconsistencies induced by fragmentation in a context of the reorientation of welfare states towards labour market activation, this thesis shows that the agenda setting of these reforms is in fact the result of multidimensional political dynamics. More specifically, the main argument of this thesis is that these reforms are best understood not so such from the problems induced by organisational compartmentalism, whose political recognition is often controversial, but from the various goals that governments may simultaneously achieve by means of their adoption. This argument is tested by comparing agenda-setting processes of large-scale reforms of coordination in the United Kingdom (Jobcentre Plus), Germany (Hartz IV reform) and Denmark (2005 Jobcentre reform), and contrasting them with the Swiss case where the government has so far rejected any coordination initiative involving organisational redesign. This comparison brings to light the importance, for the rise of organisational reforms, of the possibility to couple them with the following three goals: first, goals related to the strengthening of activation policies; second, institutional goals seeking to redefine the balance of responsibilities between the central state and non-state actors, and finally electoral goals for governments eager to maintain political credibility. The decisive role of electoral goals in the three countries suggests that these reforms are less bound by partisan politics than by the particular pressures facing governments arrived in office after long periods in opposition.
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La estrategia de Lisboa de 2000 planteaba la necesidad de alcanzar, en una década, objetivos educativos de equidad y eficacia en los respectivos sistemas nacionales, medidos en términos de resultados académicos y profesionales. Más allá de la coyuntura de crecimiento económico en el que se plantearon aquellos objetivos, en los últimos años hemos asistido a procesos de convergencia, también en el ámbito universitario, que paradójicamente no han afectado a la estructura propia de los sistemas de educación básica, que salvo en los países nórdicos continúan reflejando cierta estratificación social. Precisamente, el modelo integrado de educación básica, ampliamente instalado en esos países, parece situarse como alternativa pedagógica para equilibrar objetivos de inclusión social y éxito académico. En este artículo se desarrollan estas dos ideas y se aboga por una política comunitaria más incisiva en este terreno.
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This PhD dissertation deals with the question of evaluating social welfare and public policy making through the works of William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882) and Léon Walras (1834-1910), two economists who lived in the 19th century. These authors, well-known for their analyses on pure economics, were also deeply interested in the social problems of their time and proposed solutions to remedy them. In accordance with utilitarianism, Jevons was convinced that the reforms implemented by public authorities should improve social welfare (viewed as dependant on individual utilities). As for Walras, he defined a justice criterion based on a particular definition of natural law, and the reforms he proposed had the objective of restoring the rights following from this definition. We have drawn two principal conclusions from our work. First, the analyses of Jevons and Walras, who are often considered marginalise, are different not only in pure economics (as suggested by Jaffé in the seventies), but also from the point of view of welfare economics (defined as a science dealing with the evaluation of different social states). Secondly, these authors propose two different ways of justifying social reforms which have similarities with modern theory even though neither Jevons nor Walras are considered pioneers of welfare economics or public economics. Based on these two conclusions, we claim that studying these authors' theories might be of interest for the evaluation of public projects by the economists of today. Not only were their problems similar to ours, but also the original ideas present in their analyses may lead to the refinement of modern methods.Résumé en françaisCette these de doctorat porte sur les manières dont deux économistes du XIXe siècle, William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882) et Léon Walras (1834-1910), abordent la question du bien- etre collectif et la prise de décision publique. Connus principalement pour leurs travaux en économie pure, ces auteurs s'intéressent également à la question sociale et proposent des solutions pour y remédier. Jevons, conformément à son adhésion à la tradition utilitariste, estime que les interventions des autorités publiques doivent avoir pour objectif l'amélioration du bien- être collectif. Quant à Walras, il adopte un critère de justice qui relève du « droit naturel » et les propositions sociales qu'il préconise sont justifiées sur la base de leur conformité avec ce dernier. A l'issue du travail effectué dans le cadre de cette thèse, nous avons abouti à deux résultats principaux : (1) Les analyses de Jevons et Walras, deux économistes qui sont souvent considérés comme des « marginalistes » diffèrent fondamentalement non seulement dans leur analyse de l'économie pure, comme Jaffé le soulignait (1976), mais également en termes d'économie du bien-être (comprise comme une science ayant pour objectif l'évaluation des différents états sociaux). (2) Il existe deux voies originales pour justifier les réformes sociales dans les oeuvres de Jevons et Walras qui partagent des similarités importantes avec les théories modernes bien que ces auteurs ne fassent pas partie des jalons généralement retenus de l'histoire de l'économie du bien-être et de l'économie publique. Ces deux résultats nous conduisent à avancer que l'étude des approches de Jevons et de Walras peut contribuer à la formulation de nouvelles solutions à des problèmes rencontrés dans l'évaluation des différentes politiques publiques, car non seulement les préoccupations de ces auteurs était similaires aux nôtres, mais vu les éléments originaux que leurs propositions comportent, elles peuvent permettre de nuancer certaines aspects des méthodes modernes.
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This paper investigates the prevalence of incapacity in performing daily activities and the associations between household composition and availability of family members and receipt of care among older adults with functioning problems in Spain, England and the United States of America (USA). We examine how living arrangements, marital status, child availability, limitations in functioning ability, age and gender affect the probability of receiving formal care and informal care from household members and from others in three countries with different family structures, living arrangements and policies supporting care of the incapacitated. Data sources include the 2006 Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe for Spain, the third wave of the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (2006), and the eighth wave of the USA Health and Retirement Study (2006). Logistic and multinomial logistic regressions are used to estimate the probability of receiving care and the sources of care among persons age 50 and older. The percentage of people with functional limitations receiving care is higher in Spain. More care comes from outside the household in the USA and England than in Spain. The use of formal care among the incapacitated is lowest in the USA and highest in Spain.
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The article presents the trajectory of the Swedish psychiatrist Gustav Jonsson (1907-1994) who, in the 1940s, revolutionised the therapeutic and educational treatment of children and young people, considered irreclaimable from the social point of view, who were committed to educational institutions. It analyses the social development of the Welfare State in Sweden, the legal framework of child protection, as well as the context of Swedish residential care centres for children and young people in the first half of the 20th century in order to go further into the psychological and educational work conducted with the Barnbyn Skå group. Jonsson redirected the analysis of violent behaviours that were manifest in these children and young people which made them intractable from the educational point of view and established elements of psychoanalytical understanding, based on a systemic approach in which the family context became essential in order to understand the children’s difficulties. Barnbyn Skå was the centre which, under the guidance of Jonsson, developed this new therapeutic and pedagogic approach. The educational work carried out there exceeded the traditional model in terms of control and surveillance. The methods were considered radical from within pedagogy and caused great controversy which led the centre to continuous investigations on behalf of the Social Services of Stockholm between 1960 and 1970. For several decades Barnbyn Skå has been considered a pioneering experience in the field of Scandinavian child psychiatry.
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The Social Politics of Fatherhood in Spain and France: A Comparative Analysis of Parental Leave and Shared Residence The article provides a comparative analysis of policy developments on leaves for fathers and joint custody in Spain and France in the last decade. These two types of measures have been selected because they are both widely recognised as main instruments to promote new fathering styles and consequently more gender equality in the European Union. While the rhetoric of choice has been developed in both countries in relation to maternal employment and childcare, with better results in France than in Spain, it remains to be seen to what extent choice will also be extended to fathers. Keywords: Fatherhood. Family. Comparative social policy. Parental leave. Joint custody.
Resumo:
La estrategia de Lisboa de 2000 planteaba la necesidad de alcanzar, en una década, objetivos educativos de equidad y eficacia en los respectivos sistemas nacionales, medidos en términos de resultados académicos y profesionales. Más allá de la coyuntura de crecimiento económico en el que se plantearon aquellos objetivos, en los últimos años hemos asistido a procesos de convergencia, también en el ámbito universitario, que paradójicamente no han afectado a la estructura propia de los sistemas de educación básica, que salvo en los países nórdicos continúan reflejando cierta estratificación social. Precisamente, el modelo integrado de educación básica, ampliamente instalado en esos países, parece situarse como alternativa pedagógica para equilibrar objetivos de inclusión social y éxito académico. En este artículo se desarrollan estas dos ideas y se aboga por una política comunitaria más incisiva en este terreno.
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In order to identify the main social policy tools that can efficiently combat working poverty, it is essential to identify its main driving factors. More importantly, this work shows that all poverty factors identified in the literature have a direct bearing on working households through three mechanisms, namely being badly paid, having a below-average workforce participation, and high needs. One of the main purposes of this work is to assess whether the policies put forward in the specialist literature as potentially efficient really work. This is done in two ways. A first empirical prong provides an evaluation of the employment and antipoverty effects of these instruments, based on a meta-analysis of four instruments: minimum wages, tax credits for working households, family cash benefits and childcare policies. The second prong relies on a broader framework based on welfare regimes. This work contributes to the identification of a typology of welfare regimes that is suitable for the analysis of working poverty, and four countries are chosen to exemplify each regime: the US, Sweden, Germany, and Spain. It then moves on to show that the weight of the three working poverty mechanisms varies widely from one welfare regime to the other. This second empirical contribution clearly shows that there is no "one-size-fits-all" approach to the fight against working poverty. But none of this is possible without having properly defined the phenomenon. Most of the literature is characterized by a "definitional chaos" that probably does more harm than good to social policy efforts. Hence, this book provides a conceptual reflection pleading for the use of a very encompassing definition of being in work. It shows that "the working poor" is too broad a category to be used for meaningful academic or policy discussion, and that a distinction must be operated between different categories of the working poor. Failing to acknowledge this prevents the design of an efficient policy mix.
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The thesis addresses the issue of parenthood and gender equality in Switzerland through the emergence of parental leave policies. This is an original and relevant research topic, as Switzerland is one of the few industrialized countries that have not yet implemented a parental or paternity leave. I first describe the emergence of parental leave policies in the last ten to fifteen years in the political, media, and labor-market spheres. Secondly, adopting a gender and discursive theoretical approach, I analyze whether and to what extent this emergence challenged gendered representations and practices of parenthood. The multilevel and mixed-methods research design implies analyzing various data sets such as parliamentary interventions (N=23J and newspaper articles (N=579) on parental leave policies. A case study of a public administration which implemented a one-month paid paternity leave draws on register data of leave recipients (N=95) and in-depth interviews with fathers and managers (n=30). Results show that parental leave policies, especially in recent years, have been increasingly problematized in the three social spheres considered, as a result of political and institutional events. While there is a struggle over the definition of the legitimate leave type to implement [parental or paternity leave) in the political sphere, paternity leave has precedence in the media and labor-market spheres. Overall, this emergence contributes to making fatherhood visible in the public sphere, challenging albeit in a limited way gendered representations and practices of parenthood. Along with representations of involved fatherhood and change in gender relations, different roles and responsibilities are attributed to mothers and fathers, the latter being often defined as secondary, temporary and optional parents. Finally, I identify a common trend, namely the increasing importance of the economic aspects of parental leave policies with the consequence of sidelining their gender-equality potential. The dissertation contributes to the literature which analyzes the interconnections between the macro-, the meso- and the micro-levels of society in the constitution of gender relations and parenthood. It also provides useful tools for the analysis of the politics of parental leave policies in Switzerland and their effects for gender equality. - Cette thèse traite de la parentalité et de l'égalité de genre en Suisse à travers l'émergence des congés parentaux. Ce sujet de recherche est original et pertinent puisque la Suisse est à ce jour un des seuls pays industrialisés à ne pas avoir adopté de droit au congé parental ou paternité. Cette recherche décrit l'émergence des congés parentaux au cours des 10 à 15 dernières années dans les sphères politique, médiatique et du marché de l'emploi en Suisse. En combinant perspective de genre et analyse de discours, elle examine dans quelle mesure cette émergence remet en question les représentations et pratiques genrées de parentalité. Des méthodes de recherche mixtes sont employées pour analyser des interventions parlementaires (N=23) et des articles de presse (N=579) sur les congés parentaux. L'étude de cas d une entreprise publique qui a adopté un congé paternité payé d'un mois s'appuie sur des données de registre (N=95) et des entretiens semi-structurés avec des pères et des cadres (n=30). Les résultats indiquent que dans les trois sphères considérées, les congés parentaux ont reçu une attention croissante au cours de ces dernières années, en lien avec des événements politiques et institutionnels. Alors que dans la sphère politique il n'y a pas de consensus quant au type de congé considéré comme légitime (congé parental ou paternité), dans les sphères médiatique et du marché de l'emploi le congé paternité semble l'emporter. Dans l'ensemble, l'émergence des congés parentaux contribue à rendre la paternité plus visible dans l'espace public, remettant en question-bien que d'une manière limitée-les représentations genrées de la parentalité. En effet, d'une part l'image de pères impliqués et de rapports de genre plus égalitaires au sein de la famille est diffusée. D'autre part, mères et pères continuent à être associés à des rôles différents, les pères étant définis comme des parents secondaires et temporaires. Finalement, l'analyse révèle une tendance générale, soit l'importance croissante accordée aux aspects économiques des congés parentaux, avec pour conséquence la mise à l'écart de leur potentiel pour l'égalité de genre. Cette thèse contribue à la recherche sur les liens entre les niveaux macro- meso- et microsociaux dans la constitution des rapports de genre et de la parentalité. Elle propose également des outils pour analyser les politiques de congés parentaux en Suisse et leurs implications pour l'égalité de genre.
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[Contient] 2.1. Access to dental care: an indicator of performance of health care systems. 21.2. Data on individuals and health systems. 21.3 Lifetime underuse of dental care in European countries. 21.4. Elements of health policy regarding dental care in European Countries. 21.5. Reasons for missing routine dental controls in European countries.21.6. Conclusions.
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En el presente artículo analizamos en primer término el impacto diferencial de la paternidad y de la maternidad sobre las trayectorias laborales. El análisis longitudinal de datos de la Seguridad Social muestra como el nacimiento de un primogénito se configura como punto de inflexión a partir del cual en nuestro país divergen el conjunto de trayectorias laborales femeninas y masculinas de forma que el acceso a la paternidad aparece claramente asociado con una mayor dedicación al empleo por parte de los padres. Esta constatación nos induce a explorar el desarrollo de la política social de la paternidad en España en la medida en que la implicación paterna en el cuidado de los hijos constituye un factor clave tanto para lograr una mayor igualdad de oportunidades entre mujeres y hombres como para mejorar el nivel de bienestar infantil.