887 resultados para race and democratization


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This paper reports the progress achieved in an anthropological investigation based on which there is now a more in depth understanding of some dimensions of the “kinship work” carried out by families in Chile. The main objective is to analyze the work of maintaining family links performed primarily by women within families and show how this work reproduces gender inequalities within them. On the basis of a longitudinal methodology based on semi-structured interviews, it is concluded that the work of maintaining family links performed by women is crucial but goes unnoticed because kinship obligations are seen as a naturally being part of women’s role in the family.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar el primer tropiezo histórico de las tropas de Napoleón Bonaparte, en Santo Domingo, y los paralelismos entre la Guerra de Independencia española y la Reconquista dominicana. Para ello se han analizado los testimonios de los personajes implicados, con el fin de indagar el ideario que inspiró su acción militar. Además probaremos que, contra las ideas defendidas por algunos historiadores, tras la paz de Basilea los dominicanos siguieron sintiéndose ligados a España, como demostraron en la Guerra de Reconquista contra el gobierno francés. Sólo Cuba, Puerto Rico y Santo Domingo participaron de este sentimiento, mientras el resto de Hispanoamérica comenzaba a clamar por la independencia.

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In this paper, 36 English and 38 Spanish news articles were selected from English and Spanish newspapers and magazines published in the U.S.A. from August 2014 to November 2014. All articles discuss the death of Michael Brown, the ensuing protests and police investigations. A discourse analysis shows that there are few differences between reporting by the mainstream and the Hispanic media. Like the mainstream media, the Hispanic media adopts a neutral point of view with regard to the African-American minority. However, it presents a negative opinion with regard to the police. It appears that the Hispanic media does not explicitly side with the African-American community, but rather agrees more with the mainstream media’s opinion and is substantially influenced by it.

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Este artículo analiza el papel de los drones en la emergencia de nuevas formas de participación política e impugnación del poder por parte de colectivos sociales. El artículo plantea una lectura feminista de los drones como ciborgs (humanos-máquinas) para explorar las agencias distribuidas entre actores humanos y no humanos con el propósito de visibilizar las relaciones de poder y analizar la configuración de contra-realidades. Se presentan ocho casos de colectivos sociales que, con la ayuda de un dron, disputan el poder de gobiernos, empresas transnacionales además de desempeñar innovadoras intervenciones públicas.

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[EN]We investigate mechanisms which can endow the computer with the ability of describing a human face by means of computer vision techniques. This is a necessary requirement in order to develop HCI approaches which make the user feel himself/herself perceived. This paper describes our experiences considering gender, race and the presence of moustache and glasses. This is accomplished comparing, on a set of 6000 facial images, two di erent face representation approaches: Principal Components Analysis (PCA) and Gabor lters. The results achieved using a Support Vector Machine (SVM) based classi er are promising and particularly better for the second representation approach.

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This information release, produced by the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety’s Information and Analysis Directorate, provides information on smoking cessation services. Data are included on the monitoring of smoking cessation services in Northern Ireland during the period 1st April 2014 to 31st March 2015. This report also provides an analysis of data collected in 2014/15 in respect of clients who set a quit date during 2013/14 (52 week follow-up). Information contained within this report was downloaded from a web based recording system. Figures here are correct as of 1st September 2015. The Ten Year Tobacco Control Strategy for Northern Ireland aims to see fewer people starting to smoke, more smokers quitting and protecting people from tobacco smoke. It is aimed at the entire population of Northern Ireland as smoking and its harmful effects cut across all barriers of class, race and gender. There is a strong relationship between smoking and inequalities, with more people dying of smoking-related illnesses in disadvantaged areas of Northern Ireland than in its more affluent areas. In order to ensure that more focused action is directed to where it is needed the most, three priority groups have been identified. They are: · Children and young people; · Disadvantaged people who smoke; and · Pregnant women, and their partners, who smoke. The Public Health Agency (PHA) is responsible for implementing the strategy and the development of cessation services is a key element of the overall aim to tackle smoking. The 2013/14 Health Survey Northern Ireland reported that 22% of adults currently smoke (23% of males and 21% of females). In addition, in 2013, the Young Persons’ Behaviour and Attitude Survey (YPBAS) found that 6% of pupils aged between and 11 and 16 smoked (7% of males and 5% of females).      

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Cette thèse analyse les rappeurs afro-québécois des communautés de Limoilou (Limoilou Starz) et leurs amis de Montcalm comme des acteurs qui s’approprient des éléments identitaires, de lutte sociale et de survie économique, issus des problématiques globales et américaines du hip-hop, au service de leurs défis particuliers. Les divers mérites des luttes menées au moyen de leur art sont acquis par des formes spécifiques de capital. Ainsi les moyens utilisés par les rappeurs sont principalement les paroles de chansons, les prises de parole publique, dans les médias et sur scène, les campagnes d’affichage, l’utilisation des réseaux numériques, l’entreprise économique autonome (photographie, vidéographie, gestion des artistes, vente de vêtements). Ces moyens spécifiques se rattachent à d’autres principes et actions non explicités et sociohistoriquement ancrés. À partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée auprès de 31 participants dans la ville de Québec, j’utilise le concept de « réception différenciée » (Hall, 1980; Morley, 1980) pour décrire le processus de résistance des différents pratiquants et entrepreneurs de la musique aux dominations provenant de groupes divers. Trois principaux groupes de domination sont examinés : les agents d’institutions étatiques (comme les policiers du Service de Police de la Ville de Québec), les agents d’entreprises privées (comme les patrons de grandes boites de nuit et les propriétaires de labels musicaux indépendants) et les groupes et individus du milieu hip-hop, à travers leurs stratégies d’intimidation. La théorie « émergente » ou emergent-fit (Guillemette, 2006; Guillemette et Luckerhoff, 2009) permet d’entrevoir la musique hip-hop en amont comme une structure multidimensionnelle (sociale, identitaire, politique et économique) et intersectionnelle (intersection de plusieurs catégories interreliées, relatives au lieu de résidence, à la race et aux capacités économiques), et en aval comme un champ musical (Bourdieu, 1976 et 1989; Rimmer, 2010) renégocié. Cette structure a pris forme et s’est transformée grâce aux dispositions mentales et physiques (habitus) des acteurs étudiés. Les résultats de cette recherche montrent que certains rappeurs et leurs autres collègues artistes hip-hop— ainsi que quelques entrepreneurs— résistent à plusieurs sortes de domination. D’autres encore acceptent ces dominations sous forme d’idéologies, même en le reconnaissant explicitement. Par contre, une infime partie des acteurs étudiés les rejettent complètement. Ainsi, l’appropriation multidimensionnelle et intersectionnelle des sens dominants à travers le hip-hop mène à plusieurs formes de lecture de la domination et de la résistance.

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This dissertation traces the ways in which nineteenth-century fictional narratives of white settlement represent “family” as, on the one hand, an abstract theoretical model for a unified and relatively homogenous British settler empire and on the other, a fundamental challenge to ideas about imperial integrity and transnational Anglo-Saxon racial identification. I argue that representations of transoceanic white families in nineteenth-century fictions about Australian settler colonialism negotiate the tension between the bounded domesticity of an insular English nation and the kind of kinship that spans oceans and continents as a result of mass emigration from the British isles to the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and the Australian colonies. As such, these fictions construct productive analogies between the familial metaphors and affective language in the political discourse of “Greater Britain”—-a transoceanic imagined community of British settler colonies and their “mother country” united by race and language—-and ideas of family, gender, and domesticity as they operate within specific bourgeois families. Concerns over the disruption of transoceanic families bear testament to contradictions between the idea of a unified imperial identity (both British and Anglo-Saxon), the proliferation of fractured local identities (such as settlers’ English, Irish Catholic, and Australian nationalisms), and the conspicuous absence of indigenous families from narratives of settlement. I intervene at the intersection of postcolonial literary criticism and gender theory by examining the strategic deployments of heteronormative kinship metaphors and metonymies in the rhetorical consolidation of settler colonial space. Settler colonialism was distinct from the “civilizing” domination of subject peoples in South Asia in that it depended on the rhetorical construction of colonial territory as empty space or as land occupied by nearly extinct “primitive” races. This dissertation argues that political rhetoric, travel narratives, and fiction used the image of white female bourgeois reproductive power and sentimental attachment as a technology for settler colonial success, embodying this technology both in the benevolent figure of the metropolitan “mother country” (the paternalistic female counter to the material realities of patriarchal and violent settler colonial practices) and in fictional juxtapositions of happy white settler fecund families with the solitary self-extinguishing figure of the black aboriginal “savage.” Yet even in the narratives where the continuity and coherence of families across imperial space is questioned—-and “Greater Britain” itself—-domesticity and heteronormative familial relations effectively rewrite settler space as white, Anglo-Saxon and bourgeois, and the sentimentalism of troubled European families masks the presence and genocide of indigenous aboriginal peoples. I analyze a range of novels and political texts, canonical and non-canonical, metropolitan and colonial. My introductory first chapter examines the discourse on a “Greater Britain” in the travel narratives of J.A. Froude, Charles Wentworth Dilke, and Anthony Trollope and in the Oxbridge lectures of Herman Merivale and J.R. Seeley. These writers make arguments for an imperial economy of affect circulating between Britain and the settler colonies that reinforces political connections, and at times surpasses the limits of political possibility by relying on the language of sentiment and feeling to build a transoceanic “Greater British” community. Subsequent chapters show how metropolitan and colonial fiction writers, including Charles Dickens, Anthony Trollope, Marcus Clarke, Henry Kingsley, and Catherine Helen Spence, test the viability of this “Greater British” economy of affect by presenting transoceanic family connections and structures straining under the weight of forces including the vast distances between colonies and the “mother country,” settler violence, and the transportation system.

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The objective of this study was to analyze if the pro equity program of gender and race in the PMC, changed the perception of the servants on the conception of sexual division of labor. The sexual division of labor is the concept that allows identifying and understanding the hierarchical relations (principal of hierarchization) based on the attribution of social and economic value most male occupations in relation female, besides that, considerers the female work‟s secondary and her salary supplement to the family income. And the principle of separation identifying the places occupies by man and woman in the institution (productive, reproductive, and domestic work) agreeing with the historical and social construction that associates woman to occupational sectors like “mastertship”, nursering and social assistance, considered an extension of the family functions like taking care and family affections. And the man is associate to engineer, technology information and occupations related to exact science all professions associate to reason, creating a bias of gender in labor relations. To identify possible inequalities of gender in the work ambiance, I have compared the initial basic duration of some careers, the ascension process to higher positions and the salary that both servants and servers in the PMC. Was also investigated the perception of implements and beneficiaries of the program, over the sexual labor division. The methodology used for conduct the investigation was the qualitative research interpretive character using the structured and semi structured interviewed as instruments of data collect. The interview was divided in two groups, to follow: a) implements of pro-equity program of gender and race and b) professors and engineers beneficiaries. The analyzes of documents provided by the Secretaria de Politícas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República and by the PMC complemented the investigative path of this research. Bring as result a perception of beneficiaries servants and implementing on a policy which provides for cultural changes in the institution and in the management of people. It should be noted that the program foresees that in its objectives identify the discriminatory relations of race, sexual orientation, generation and disable person who were not examined in this study. Factor that enables the continuation of the investigation process and is a suggestion for a future research.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Departamento de Pós-Graduação, Mestrado Profissional em Educação, 2015.

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Históricamente, en el Ecuador, la Provincia del Azuay es la de mayor experiencia emigratoria hacia el exterior y la que se ha beneficiado de importantes flujos de remesas, mismas que se incrementaron notablementecon la emigración provocada por la crisis económica de finales de la década de los noventa, llegando a representar en el año 2014 USD$ 540 millones de dólares. Esto, sumado a la desconfianza en el sector bancario, generó el nacimiento y crecimiento de muchas Cooperativas de Ahorro y Crédito como es el caso de Jardín Azuayo, que se constituyó en el año 1993 a raíz del desastre de la Josefina. Además, las remesas que se transfieren a través de las cooperativas tienen un notable incremento, contribuyendo los aspectos mencionados a la expansión y democratización del crédito, y al desarrollo de la provincia. En la presente investigación se utilizó información secundaria, proveniente de la Superintendencia de Bancos y Seguros, Superintendencia de Economía Popular y Solidaria, Banco Central del Ecuador, Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, Cooperativa de Ahorro y Crédito Jardín Azuayo, entre otros. Además se trabajó con una muestra de créditos concedidos por la Cooperativa Jardín Azuayo. Los resultados obtenidos permiten visualizar la expansión democratización del crédito yel verdadero destino de éste y proporcionan los elementos para el establecimiento de políticas que permitan el apoyo a las Cooperativas y a los sectores que requieren el financiamiento, especialmente para fines productivos.

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O presente artigo objetiva divulgar um incipiente recomendações sobre orçamento/financiamento das políticas públicas no Brasil e suas possibilidades de promoção da equidade de sexo/gênero e raça/etnia. Na primeira parte, sistematiza os achados de pesquisa quanto a e equidade de sexo/gênero e raça/etnia. Em um segundo momento, o texto apresenta dados inéditos sobre o financiamento tributário do orçamentário público com recorte de gênero e raça, demonstrando que o maior peso mulheres, principalmente as negras. A terceira seção enfatiza o orçamento público como uma escolha política do Estado e apresenta os Programas Selecionados (Raça, e Gênero) no Plano Plurianual (PPA) 2008-2011. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

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O artigo discute a produção acadêmica contemporânea brasileira sobre a relação entre educação formal e situação de pobreza, a partir da procura em três fontes: Biblioteca Digital Brasileira de Teses e Dissertações (BDTD), a Scientific Electronic Library OnLine (SciELO) e o Google Acadêmico. Também foram analisados dados sobre os autores, utilizando a Plataforma Lattes e o Diretório de Grupos de Pesquisa do Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq). Os objetivos da pesquisa foram: a) propiciar um levantamento (localização e sistematização) da produção científica elaborada no contexto das ciências sociais e humanas sobre a relação entre situação de pobreza e educação formal; b) estabelecer uma tipologia (comparação e diferenciação) das formas que assume a mencionada relação na visão dos pesquisadores e pesquisadoras; e c) analisar as questões de gênero, raça/cor e classe social (identificação e consideração) envolvidas na relação entre a pobreza e a educação formal nessa produção científica. Os resultados mostram que há um interesse crescente na relação entre educação formal e situação de pobreza, com maior concentração das publicações nas áreas disciplinares de educação, economia, saúde e serviço social. A frequência com que o mesmo autor ou um mesmo grupo foi registrado é baixa, indicando uma alta rotatividade de interessados na temática. Os assuntos mais discutidos foram "Bolsa escola, Bolsa família ou outro programa de transferência de renda" e "exclusão social e desigualdade social". Foram encontradas 13 maneiras diferentes de se relacionar a educação e a pobreza, sendo prediminantemente: a "escolaridade como condição da mudança na situação de pobreza". __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

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Poster presented at the From Basic Sciences to Clinical Research - First International Congress of CiiEM. Egas Moniz, Caparica, Portugal, 27-28 November 2015