986 resultados para political interest
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PURPOSE: Prostate cancer (PCa) diagnosis relies on clinical suspicion leading to systematic transrectal ultrasound-guided biopsy (TRUSGB). Multiparametric magnetic resonance imaging (mpMRI) allows for targeted biopsy of suspicious areas of the prostate instead of random 12-core biopsy. This method has been shown to be more accurate in detecting significant PCa. However, the precise spatial accuracy of cognitive targeting is unknown. METHODS: Consecutive patients undergoing mpMRI-targeted TRUSGB with cognitive registration (MRTB-COG) followed by robot-assisted radical prostatectomy were included in the present analysis. The regions of interest (ROIs) involved by the index lesion reported on mpMRI were subsequently targeted by two experienced urologists using the cognitive approach. The 27 ROIs were used as spatial reference. Mapping on radical prostatectomy specimen was used as reference to determine true-positive mpMRI findings. Per core correlation analysis was performed. RESULTS: Forty patients were included. Overall, 40 index lesions involving 137 ROIs (mean ROIs per index lesion 3.43) were identified on MRI. After correlating these findings with final pathology, 117 ROIs (85 %) were considered as true-positive lesions. A total of 102 biopsy cores directed toward such true-positive ROIs were available for final analysis. Cognitive targeted biopsy hit the target in 82 % of the cases (84/102). The only identified risk factor for missing the target was an anterior situated ROI (p = 0.01). CONCLUSION: In experienced hands, cognitive MRTB-COG allows for an accuracy of 82 % in hitting the correct target, given that it is a true-positive lesion. Anterior tumors are less likely to be successfully targeted.
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Este artículo aporta los resultados de un estudio sobre legislación educativa y manuales de Educación para la Ciudadanía con el objeto de visibilizar la presencia de la educación en valores democráticos y su evolución en el contexto de los cambios sociales y políticos recientes. En la primera parte, nos adentramos en la reflexión sobre la moral y la vivencia de los valores en nuestras realidades, con el objeto de analizar la dimensión ética de la sociedad. Abordamos el debate de la crisis de valores y se realizan propuestas sobre la dimensión teleológica y axiológica de la educación en y para la democracia. En la segunda parte, se aporta la síntesis del estudio de la presencia de la educación en valores en algunas leyes educativas aprobadas a partir de la Constitución Española de 1978. Se describe cómo se ha incorporado la educación en valores a la normativa y qué formas ha ido adoptando. Se dedica especial atención al área de Educación para la Ciudadanía propuesta en la loe como espacio de formación ética y política. En el último apartado sobre educación en valores y manuales de ciudadanía se presentan, en primer lugar, diferentes significados y principios de ciudadanía para enmarcar teóricamente la investigación. A continuación, se visualizan los resultados del análisis de contenido de los valores presentes en una muestra de manuales de Educación para la Ciudadanía editados en el marco de desarrollo de la loe. Nuestro interés ha sido mostrar cómo los libros de texto traducen la legislación, qué valores de la democracia priorizan y cómo los conceptualizan. Se finaliza el artículo con las conclusiones que recogen un conjunto de apuntes en los que se considera la crisis como posibilidad y se propone seguir avanzando en proyectos de democracia, ciudadanía y educación en valores innovadores.
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Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.
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For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.
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Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within theconfines of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted intocaricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity ofculturalist arguments. Moving the argument from the inquiry on the ¿nature¿ of theeconomy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy inunderstanding the production of the urban form from an urban political economy (UPE)this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urbanpolitical economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorientpolitical economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.
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This article explores whether use of the Internetchanges the role that political motivation hastraditionally played in classic explanations ofparticipation. We ask if, by reducing so dramatically the costs of political participation,the Internet causes interest in politics to loseimportance as a causal factor of participation.We examine this issue analysing a representativesurvey of the Spanish population which deals withpolitical participation and Internet use. Theresults show that use of Internet has a directeffect on participation independently of motivation, and that, in order to participate online, skilled Internet users do not need to be motivated or interested in politics.
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In the past decade several articles have been published in this journal and elsewhere by different authors, dealing with the institutionalization of science in Brazil, its origins and subsequent history. The emphasis has often been directed to the work of Brazilian scientists working abroad, to foreigners in Brazil, or to a few private individuals within the country, as well as to cultural, social, economic and political considerations. Much of the attention has also been focused on "academic" science, rather than on empirical or technical developments. The present article presents some of these situations, particularly in the mining district, where the application of technology, sometimes quite up-to-date for the time, tended to blur somewhat the distinction between science and its applications. It is hoped that this may start a debate which will enrich our historiography in this field and be of interest to those who want to assess Brazil's position in the history of science.
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In the 1940s, when the Governor of Puerto Rico was appointed by the US President and the Puerto Rican government was answerable only to the US Federal government, a large state-owned enterprise (SOE) sector was established on the island. Public services such as water, transportation and energy were nationalized, and several new manufacturing SOEs were created to produce cement, glass, shoes, paper and chalkboard, and clay products. These enterprises were created and managed by government-owned corporations. Later on, between 1948 and 1950, under the island’s first elected Governor, the government sold these SOEs to private groups. This paper documents both the creation and the privatization of the SOE sector in Puerto Rico, and analyzes the role played by ideology, political interests, and economic concerns in the decision to privatize them. Whereas ideological factors might have played a significant role in the building of the SOE sector, we find that privatization was driven basically by economic factors, such as the superior efficiency of private firms in the sectors where the SOEs operated, and by the desire to attract private industrial investment to the Puerto Rican economy.
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Tässä tutkielmassa estimoidaan korkomallin parametrit Maximum likelihood metodilla sekä näytetään kuinka mallintaa lyhyen koron evoluutiota ja korkokäyrän rakennetta.
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[spa] Las distintas aproximaciones al absentismo que se han realizado desde diferentes ramas del conocimiento: económico, legal, médico y psicosocial, no sólo no han ayudado a definir el concepto sino que han aportado una considerable confusión. Las múltiples invocaciones al término se mueven en una escala de generalidad en la que la mayor intensión correlaciona negativamente con la extensión. Porque cuando se asimila cualquier ausencia del puesto de trabajo con el absentismo, casi todo cabe; pero el concepto se vuelve vago y se pierde en una mezcolanza de adjetivos que no permiten avanzar en su comprensión. Si por el contrario, sólo denominamos absentismo a las conductas que tengan los atributos básicos, muchas de las definiciones que hemos analizado no versarán sobre absentismo. Pero como contrapartida, tendremos una referencia conceptual desde la que estudiar y afrontar el fenómeno. Para nosotros son tres las condiciones necesarias, aunque no suficientes por sí mismas, que permiten afrontar el absentismo como un fenómeno de interés politológico: la ausencia, la inexistencia de causa habilitante y la improductividad.
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It is commonly believed that a fiscal expansion raises interest rates. However, these crowding out effects of deficits have been found to be small or non-existent. One explanation is that financial integration offsets interest rate differentials on globalised bond markets. This paper measures the degree of integration of government bond markets, using spatial modelling techniques to take this spillover on financial markets into account. Our main finding is that the crowding out effect on domestic interest rates is significant, but is reduced by spillover across borders. This spillover is important in major crises or in periods of coordinated policy actions. This result is generally robust to various measures of cross-country linkages. We find spillover to be much stronger among EU countries.
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Several empirical studies have analyzed the factors that influence local privatization. Variables related to fiscal stress, cost reduction, political processes and ideological attitudes are the most common explanatory variables used in these studies. In this paper, we add to this literature by examining the influence of transaction costs and political factors on local governments’ choices through new variables. In addition to this, we consider the role of additional aspects, such as intermunicipal cooperation as a potential alternative to privatization in order to exploit scale economies or scope economies. We consider two relevant services: solid waste collection and water distribution. Results from our estimates show that privatization (that is, contracting out to a private firm) is less common for water distribution than for solid waste collection. Higher transaction costs in water distribution are consistent with this finding. Furthermore, we find that municipalities with a conservative ruling party privatize more often regardless of the ideological orientation of the constituency. This shows that those political interests able to influence local elections are more important in determining the form of delivery than is the basic ideological stance of the constituency. Finally, we find that intermunicipal cooperation is an alternative to local privatization.
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Tämän diplomityön tarkoituksena on selvittää Suomen poliittisten päättäjien sekä heidän sidosryhmien mielipiteitä energiatehokkuuden lisäämisestä erityisesti yritysten näkökulmasta. Tämän lisäksi työssä selvitetään poliittisten päättäjien tärkeimpiä sidosryhmiä energiapoliittisia asioita käsiteltäessä. Tutkimuksen teoriaosassa keskitytään energiatehokkuuden kehittymiseen, energiatehokkuuden hyötyihin, keinoihin energiatehokkuuden edistämiseksi sekä uusimpiin energiatehokkuutta koskeviin strategioihin, lainsäädäntöihin ja sopimuksiin. Tutkimusaineisto kerätään laadullisella ja määrällisellä tutkimusmenetelmällä. Tarvittavan informaation saamiseksi suoritetaan eduskunnan talous-, tulevaisuus- ja ympäristövaliokunnalle kysely, joka toteutetaan Internetin välityksellä. Sidosryhmiltä tieto kerätään haastatteluilla. Tutkimustuloksien mukaan energiatehokkuuteen ei ole panostettu tarpeeksi Suomessa ja se on yksi keskeisimmistä keinoista torjua ilmastonmuutos. Yleisesti ottaen asenteet energiatehokkuuden lisäämiseksi ovat selvästi parantuneet viimevuosien aikana. Tärkeimmäksi sidosryhmäksi nousi selkeästi Työ- ja elinkeinoministeriö, mutta myös Energiateollisuus ry sekä kansalais- ja ympäristöjärjestöt koettiin tärkeiksi.
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A lo largo de la última década, la adolescencia ha sido un tema dediscusión política en distintos espacios europeos al más alto nivel. En unasociedad aceleradamente cambiante se percibe que la adecuada socializaciónde las generaciones más jóvenes constituye un reto socio-históricoque nos afecta a todos. Los cambios en que estamos sumergidos son tanplurales (demográficos, sociales, tecnológicos, económicos, políticos,etc.) que generan un amplísimo frente de nuevos dilemas éticos. La opiniónde los ciudadanos de la Unión Europea se muestra preocupada pornuevos valores y destaca la preferencia por la responsabilidad en coherenciacon dicha situación cambiante. Todo este macrocontexto psicosocialviene planteando nuevos retos teóricos y de investigación a la comunidadcientífica. De hecho las ciencias humanas y sociales han empezadoa desarrollar nuevas líneas de investigación para comprender mejor lasnuevas relaciones entre adultos y adolescentes y las nuevas culturas queemergen entre estos últimos, impulsadas por nuevas aspiraciones socialescompartidas por grupos más o menos amplios de la población joven. Eldesarrollo de técnicas e instrumentos que nos permitan comprender mejorla perspectiva del adolescente se hace más evidente si analizamos su relacióncon las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación. Dichastecnologías comportan nuevos riesgos, pero también nuevas oportunidades,entre las que destaca la posibilidad de establecer nuevas formasde relación. La motivación que muestran los más jóvenes por las nuevastecnologías constituye un gran reto a los investigadores aplicados parasugerir formas de maximizar las potencialidades latentes