Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).

Scepticism Revisited

Liberalism claims that for a subject S to be justified in believing p, a proposition about the external world, on the basis of his senses it is not necessary to be antecedently justified in believing propositions as there is an external world. On the other hand, conservatism claims that to be justified in believing that p on the basis of one’s perception, one must have antecedent justification to believe that p. Intuitively, we are inclined to think that liberalism about the structure of perceptual justification fits better with our epistemic practices. We acknowledge that, although we cannot produce warrant for the background belief in the external world, our empirical beliefs can be perceptually justified. However, I am interested in arguing that conservatism is theoretically better supported than liberalism. The first reason to defend this is based on the fact that in embracing liberalism dogmatism is affected by pervasive problems. The second one comes from recognizing the strength of the argument based on the thesis that experience is theory-laden. But not all are advantages for conservatism. Conservatism is presupposed in contemporary formulations of scepticism through the requirement of prior justification for background assumptions, and this fact compels anti-sceptical conservatives to conceive a non-evidential form of warrant, entitlement, to contest the sceptical threat My main worry is that, although the path of entitlement has some prospects to succeed, this new notion of justification seems to be posed ad hoc for conservatives to solve the sceptical problem. These contents are organized along the three chapters. The result of chapter 1 is a pattern of sceptical argument formed by two premises: P1*, a conservative principle, and P2*. In chapter 2 and chapter 3 two anti-sceptical proposals against the argument sketched in chapter 1 are described. Chapter 2 is devoted to explain and assess a first anti-sceptical proposal that denies P1*: dogmatism. Moreover, in chapter 3, another anti-sceptical strategy is described (the route of entitlement) that contests scepticism denying the plausibility of P2*.

El Estado en los campos. La regulación del cultivo del arroz en la España del siglo XIX

El papel desempeñado por el Estado en la economía española del siglo XIX ha sido muy controvertido y, en general, ha recibido juicios negativos. Este artículo trata de evaluar la intervención pública en el ámbito de la regulación del cultivo del arroz. Justificada frente al paludismo, esta reglamentación encontró grandes dificultades para ser aplicada hasta que se consolidó el nuevo aparato estatal salido de la revolución liberal, a causa de las resistencias locales y las limitaciones administrativas. En la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, sin embargo, el Estado estableció una legislación que perviviría en el tiempo y fue ampliamente respetada. De ese modo el Estado mostró una cierta autonomía respecto a intereses sociales muy arraigados y materializó medidas que tenían un impacto sobre la mejora sanitaria de la población.

La Societat rural de les riberes del Xúquer davant la inundació de 1864

Entre el quatre i el cinc de novembre del 1864 la vall baixa del Xúquer va patir la major inundació del segle i una de les més greus de les que es tenen registre històric. En 1864 el volum d’aigua desbordada, reflectit en l'altura inundada en diferents punts de referència, va ultrapassar el d'anteriors revingudes. A més, per l’extensió invadida i el nombre de localitats i de població afectades (les Riberes reunien 95.000 habitants i a la resta de la zona implicada vivien 88.000 persones més) l'episodi va constituir una de les majors catàstrofes naturals en Espanya durant aquell segle. Un fet diferencial destacat és que la inundació de 1864 s’esdevenia en una etapa històrica nova. La construcció de l’Estat liberal es podia considerar culminada a la dècada dels seixanta,encara que les disensions internes entre les èlits polítiques i el descontent social creixien i estaven a prop de provocar la ruptura de 1868.

Reducció de despeses ineficients i sostenibilitat de l'Estat del Benestar: el cas de Catalunya

Malgrat que el debat de l’Estat del Benestar està en el bell mig de l’actualitat política i econòmica des de fa uns quants anys amb graus ben diversos i aproximacions diferents, la darrera gran crisi ha disparat com mai la seva actualitat. Fins el present moment, amb algunes notables excepcions, totes les tendències han conduit a desenvolupar l’Estat del Benestar fins a extrems insostenibles. Això té explicacions múltiples i variades com les que s’aborden al llarg del present text. Aquestes tendències tenen una dinàmica econòmica i social pròpia que s’ha constatat amb força durant els darrers anys. Fa unes dues dècades que aquest debat va ser encetat amb profunditat per pocs països, però amb conclusions estimulants. Suècia és l’exemple més reeixit. La reforma duta a terme en el país nòrdics és una referència de primer ordre per molts estudiosos del tema i hauria de ser font d’inspiració per a la resta de països. Seguidament, hem volgut descriure, de forma complementària i des d’una perspectiva econòmica i jurídica, un fenomen estrictament lligat al desenvolupament imparable de l’Estat del Benestar, el de la burocratització. La reflexió d’acadèmics d’escoles en diferents i, en particular, els de la Public Choice proporcionen una visió rica i complexa, que entenem fonamental per avaluar els problemes que se’n deriven. Finalment, dins el marc de la Hisenda Pública i entrant en l’estudi concret del cas català, hem volgut endinsar-nos en l’anàlisi del pressupost. Essent com és una eina indispensable per avaluar el conjunt de polítiques econòmiques i socials d’un país. Aquesta anàlisi es duu a terme des d’una doble perspectiva: la primera, mitjançant un estudi comparatiu de l’evolució del Pressupost de la Generalitat dels darrers anys i, en segon terme, el canvi que el Pressupost 2011 materialitza aquest any, prefigura el de l’any 2012 i les principals crítiques de l’oposició. Queden oberts els camins envers els possibles canvis. De fet, res està definitivament escrit, però la pretensió d’aquest treball és modesta i, alhora, clara. Sense embuts, si volem mantenir un grau de benestar sostenible, és fonamental deixar de banda l’actual concepció de l’Estat del Benestar i començar a treballar per implementar els profunds canvis necessaris que donin pas a l’únic model que, a parer nostre, aconseguirà que això sigui possible: la Societat del Benestar. Una concepció actual del paper que ha de tenir l’Estat, de caràcter liberal i, alhora, social.

Law and the practise of principle in diverse societies

Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada a la London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom, entre 2007 i 2009. L’objecte principal del projecte ha estat analitzar les implicacions jurídico-polítiques i institucionals d’una teoria de la justícia i la igualtat liberals aplicada a societats multiculturals amb un marcat predomini de la diversitat cultural. L’anàlisi desenvolupa una línia d'investigació interdisciplinar - entre el dret i la teoria política - iniciada en una tesis doctoral sobre multiculturalisme i drets de les minories culturals (UPF, 2000) que va culminar en la publicació de Group Rights as Human Rights (Springer, 2006). La recerca adopta com a punt de partida les conclusions de l'esmentada obra, en especial, la rellevància del reconeixement de drets col•lectius; tanmateix, el tipus de qüestions plantejades, l’enfoc i la metodologia emprades són substancialment diferents. En concret, s'adrecen preguntes específiques sobre el model i aspiracions del constitucionalisme democràtic i el paper del dret en contextos multiculturals. També s’atorga un pes central a la dimensió institucional dels models de gestió de la diversitat que s’analitzen, prioritzant un enfocament comparatiu a partir de l’estudi de controvèrsies concretes. L’objectiu és superar algunes limitacions importants de la literatura actual, com ara la tendència a examinar en abstracte la compatibilitat de determinades demandes amb el constitucionalisme democràtic, sense abordar el funcionament d'estratègies de gestió de la diversitat cultural emprades en contextos concrets. Els treballs producte d'aquest projecte articulen les línies bàsiques d’un model pluralista, basat en principis més que en regles, que desafia els plantejaments dominants actualment. Aquest model es caracteritza pel compromís amb la legitimitat i igualtat comparatives, rebutjant el paternalisme i les visions liberals típiques sobre el paper de la regulació. La presumpció de l’“standing” moral dels grups identitaris és fonamental per tal de considerar-los interlocutors vàlids amb interessos genuïns. També s’argumenta que la integració social en contextos multiculturals no depèn tant de l’eliminació del conflicte sinó, sobre tot, d’una gestió eficient que eviti abusos de poder sistemàtics. El model defensa el rol del dret en la institucionalització del diàleg intercultural, però admet que el diàleg no necessàriament condueix a l’acord o a una estructura reguladora coherent i uniforme. Les aspiracions del ordre jurídic pluralista són més modestes: afavorir la negociació i resolució en cada conflicte, malgrat la persistència de la fragmentació i la provisionalitat dels acords. La manca d'un marc regulador comú esdevé una virtut en la mesura que permet la interacció de diferents subordres; una interacció governada per una multiplicitat de regles no necessàriament harmòniques. Els avantatges i problemes d’aquest model s'analitzen a partir de l'anàlisi de l’estructura fragmentària de l'ordre jurídic internacional i del règim Europeu de drets humans.

Abortion in public reason

What abortion laws a liberal political community ought to have? Much has been said about the moral problem of abortion, but there has not been yet (to my knowledge) a fully articulate account of the bearing of the competing answers to this ethical problem on liberal public reason. The first part of my project consists in a critical review of the different attempts to solve the various philosophical puzzles, both metaphysical and moral, posed by the abortion problem. Why is it wrong to kill beings like you and me? By answering this question we shall gain a better insight into those properties we have that give us such strong reasons against killing beings like us. Here we face a tremendous philosophical diffuculty, for it is not possible to determine what the robustest account of the wrongness of killing is without dealing with deeper metaethical and metaphysical problems. Indeed, consequentialist and nonconsequentialist moral theories differ in what it is that makes an action morally wrong -is it just the outcome of the action as compared with the outcomes of its alternatives? Or is it something else? Also, what are we essentially? Is the foetus merely our precursor? Then killing a foetus is relevantly similar to contraception. Or is the foetus one of us? If so, when we kill it, are we depriving it of a future as valuable as ours? Perhaps the relation of identity (the fact that it is its future as opposed to someone else's) doesn't matter. That may be because the foetus is an aggregate of biological and psychological facts and perhaps aggregates are not substances. Or maybe it is a substance but only psychological realtions matter, not personal identity. The second part of my project has to do with the different status these metaphisical and ethical positions ought to have in liberal public reason. Though this is the part in which most research is still needed, my own intuition is that, given the depth of the philosphical views in competition, restrictive abortion laws ought to be considered unrespectful to citizens' autonomy.

Régulation de la religion par l'Etat. Nouvelles perspectives

Analyser les modalités de la régulation de la religion constitue une étape importante pour expliquer la recomposition de la religion en modernité tardive. Face aux interprétations dérivées des concepts d'individualisation ou de privatisation, l'affirmation peut apparaître provocante, puisqu'elle met en question l'idée d'autonomie du sujet croyant et la pertinence de l'utilisation sociologique du terme privé. Le traitement de cette problématique est particulièrement adéquat pour évaluer le rôle de l'État. Même si ce dernier n'est qu'un des agents de régulation à côté des médias, des organisations religieuses..., il contribue de façon souveraine au filtrage de la religion « acceptable ». Son mode de gestion varie d'un pays à l'autre, allant du pluralisme libéral au pluralisme technocratique. L'élaboration d'une typologie de ces modes de gestion s'avère donc indispensable. Sa vérification peut s'opérer au travers de l'étude comparative de la place faite à la religion dans les programmes scolaires. Elle éclaire en particulier le caractère pluraliste des États démocratiques et leur capacité à articuler valeurs économiques et valeurs humanistes. An analysis of the ways in which religion is regulated constitutes an important step in understanding the reconstructions of religion in late modernity. Such a stance can appear provocative, especially if contrasted with explanations that derive from concepts such as individualisation or privatisation, since it puts into question both the autonomy of the individual believer and the aptness of the term "private" in sociological understanding. These issues are particularly relevant when it comes to evaluating the role of the state. It is true that the latter is but one source of control, alongside the media, or religious organisations...; its influence is, however, dominant when it comes to deciding which forms of religion are, or are not, "acceptable". The methods vary from one country to another, ranging from liberal pluralism to technocratic pluralism. Hence the need to elaborate a typology, illustrating the different ways of working. It can be tested by comparing the place given to religion in different school systems. Above all such an approach reveals the pluralist character of the democratic state and its capacity to articulate both economic and humanistic values.

Spiritual Kinship, Political Mobilization and Social Cooperation: a Swiss Alpine valley in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

In this chapter I will present some observations and results about Ritual Kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an Alpine valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais, - a mountain valley, well known today thanks to the tourist station of Verbier - where we can rely on excellent sources about local families. This region presents a particular political situation, because the 11 major villages of the valley form only one commune, which includes the whole valley.¦There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry on kinship and social networks in a rural society:¦A. The existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th centuries;¦B. The existence of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. (Casanova, Gard, Perrenoud 2005-08)¦The 18th century was characterized by the struggle of an important part of the community of Bagnes against the feudal lord, the abbot of St-Maurice. The culminating point was a local upheaval in 1745 in Le Châble, during which the abbot was forced to sign several documents in accordance with the wishes of the rebels (Guzzi-Heeb 2007). In the 19th century feudal lordship was abolished, but now the struggle confronted a liberal-radical faction and the conservative majority in the commune.¦The starting point of my presentation focuses on this question: which role did spiritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some utilizations and meanings of spiritual kinship in the local society. Was spiritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for privileged social contacts and transactions?

Infliximab for Crohn's disease in the Swiss IBD Cohort Study: clinical management and appropriateness.

OBJECTIVE: Antitumor necrosis factor a agents have significantly improved the management of Crohn's disease (CD), but not all patients benefit from this therapy. We used data from the Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study and predefined appropriateness criteria to examine the appropriateness of use of infliximab (IFX) in CD patients. METHODS: EPACT II (European Panel on the Appropriateness of CD Therapy, 2007; www.epact.ch) appropriateness criteria have been developed using a formal explicit panel process combining evidence from the published literature and expert opinion. Questionnaires relating to EPACT II criteria were used at enrollment and follow-up of all Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study patients. A step-by-step analysis of all possible indications for IFX therapy in a given patient allowed identification of the most appropriate indication and final classification in a single appropriateness category (appropriate, uncertain, inappropriate). RESULTS: Eight hundred and twenty-one CD patients were prospectively enrolled between November 2006 and March 2009. IFX was administered to 146 patients (18%) at enrollment and was most frequently used for complex fistulizing disease and for the maintenance of remission induced by biological therapy. IFX therapy was considered appropriate in 44%, uncertain in 44%, and inappropriate in 10% of patients. CONCLUSION: In this cohort, 9 out of 10 indications for IFX therapy were clinically generally acceptable (appropriate or uncertain) according to EPACT II criteria. Uncertain indications resulted mainly from the current more liberal use of IFX in clinical practice as compared with the EPACT II criteria.

State-Society Relationships, Social Trust and the Development of Labour Market Policies in Italy and Sweden

The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the 'Mediterranean Rim', are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.

More than cheap talk? Euro-Mediterranean cooperation on human rights and democracy

Malgrat els esforços de la UE en la promoció de la democràcia i un compromís comú per la democràcia i els drets humans al EMP, no hi ha signes de convergència cap al model liberal democràtic propugnat per la UE. No obstant això, l'abast i la intensitat de la cooperació multilateral, transnacional i bilateral han augmentat constantment en tota la regió des de mitjans de 1990. La cooperació en el camp de la promoció de la democràcia es caracteritza per la forta dinàmica de normativa sectorial, i la diferenciació geogràfica, però està clarament situada en un marc regional i altament estandarditzat. Si bé la convergència política o la política sembla poc probable en el curt o mitjà termini, democràcia i drets humans estan fermament establerts en una agenda regional comú

The Decision on Turkish EU accession in December 2002: The logic of anarchy, collective action problems and rhetorical action

Studies of the EU accession of the East and Central European Countries have stressed the importance of neo-liberal institutionalism as an explanation for Member State preferences. In this paper it is argued that Member States’ preferences over Turkish EU accession are better explained by power politics and neo-realism. It seems therefore that Turkey’s way to the EU follows another path than the East and Central Countries. Turkish accession raises the question of the EU’s role in a uni-polar world order – whether the EU should develop into an independent actor on the world stage or not. However, when it comes to the interaction among the Member States in order to decide on when to open accession negotiations with Turkey the constitutive values of the EU seriously modify the outcome that pure power politics would have let to.

Enjeux éthiques des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction : une conception de la justice à l'interface de l'éthique du "care" et de l'approche des "capabilités"

L'émergence des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction (NTR) est allée de pair avec un certain nombre de discours. Un discours promettant d'une part une extension de la palette de choix reproductifs des individus, une extension de leur liberté et de leur autonomie reproductives, dont la forme la plus extrême peut se traduire par la formule : un enfant quand je veux et comme je veux. D'autre part, un discours annonçant une série de « catastrophes » à venir, telles que l'effondrement de l'institution de la famille et la modification de l'espèce humaine. En d'autres termes, une tension entre promesses et catastrophes qui place les sociétés contemporaines face à de nombreux défis sociaux, politiques et éthiques, notamment quant à la question de la régulation de la PMA (procréation médicalement assistée) : qui peut y avoir accès ? Quelles techniques doit-on autoriser ? Ou au contraire limiter ? Tant de questions auxquelles aucune réponse simple et évidente n'existe. La diversité des réponses législatives quant à ces questions illustre cette complexité. L'éthique peut, ici, jouer un rôle fondamental. Sans toutefois prétendre donner des réponses toutes faites et facilement applicables, elle offre un espace de réflexion, le privilège de prendre une certaine distance face à des enjeux contemporains. C'est dans cette perspective que nous avons ancré ce travail de recherche en questionnant les enjeux éthiques de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de justice. Toutefois, au sein des études en bioéthique, majoritairement issues de la tradition libérale, la tension énoncée précédemment mène la bioéthique à justifier un certain nombre d'inégalités plutôt que de veiller à les dépasser. Ainsi, une évaluation de la pratique de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de la justice, exige, au préalable, une réévaluation du concept même de justice. Ce faisant, par une articulation entre l'éthique du care de Joan Tronto et l'approche des capabilités de Martha Nussbaum qui placent la vulnérabilité au coeur de la personne, nous avons proposé une conception de la justice fondée sur une anthropologie de la vulnérabilité. Cette conception nous permet d'identifier, dans le cadre de la pratique de la PMA en Suisse et en partant de la loi sur la procréation assistée (LPMA), les constructions normatives qui mènent à la non-reconnaissance et, ce faisant, à la mise à l'écart, de certaines formes de vulnérabilité : une vulnérabilité générique et une vulnérabilité socio-économique. Traitant la question de la vulnérabilité générique principalement, nos analyses ont une incidence sur les conceptions de la famille, du bien de l'enfant, de la femme et de la nature, telles qu'elles sont actuellement véhiculées par une conception naturalisée de la PMA. Répondre aux vulnérabilités identifiées, en veillant à leur donner une place, signifie alors déplacer ces conceptions naturalisées, afin que les vulnérabilités soient intégrées aux pratiques sociales et que les exigences de justice soient ainsi remplies. - The emergence of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) came along with several discourses. On the one hand a discourse promising an extension of the individuals' reproductive choices, their procreative liberty and autonomy. On the other hand a discourse announced a series of disasters to come such as the collapse of the family institution and the modification of human kind. In other words, a growing tension appears between promises and disasters and contemporary societies are facing inevitable social, political and ethical challenges, in particular with regard to the issue of ART regulation: who has access? What procedures should be authorized? Which ones should be limited? These complex questions have no simple or obvious answers. The variety of legislative responses to these questions highlights complexity. Ethics can play a fundamental role, and without claiming to give simple answers, also offer a space for reflection as well as the privilege to distance itself with regard to contemporary issues. It is in this perspective that this study questions the ethical considerations of ART in a perspective of justice. However, in previous studies in bioethics mainly following a liberal tradition, previously mentioned tension has lead bioethics to justify some inequalities instead of trying to overcome them. As a consequence, evaluating practices of ART from a perspective of justice requires to first reevaluate the concept of justice itself. In doing so we offer a conception of justice founded on the anthropology of vulnerability. This conception draws on an articulation of the ethic of care of Joan Tronto and the capability approach of Martha Nussbaum, which places vulnerability at the center of the person. This conception allows us to identify, within the framework of ARTS in Switzerland and starting with the laws of medically assisted procreation (LPMA), some normative constructions. These constructions lead to the non-recognition and the disregard of some forms of vulnerability: a generic vulnerability as well as socio-economic counterpart. Focusing mainly on the issue of generic vulnerability, our analysis has implications for the conceptions of family, the best interests of the child, woman, and nature in the way they are defined in a naturalized conception of ART. Responding to such failures by taking into account these vulnerabilities thus means to move these conceptions in order for vulnerabilities to be integrated in social practices and requirements for justice to be fulfilled.

Capitalism in the classroom : the impact of self-enhancement values and normative assessment on student motivation, goals and attitudes towards cheating

Abstract The neo-liberal capitalist ideology has come under heavy fire with anecdotal evidence indicating a link between these same values and unethical behavior. Academic institutions reflect social values and act as socializing agents for the young. Can this explain the high and increasing rates of cheating that currently prevail in education? Our first chapter examines the question of whether self-enhancement values of power and açhievement, the individual level equivalent of neo-liberal capitalist values, predict positive attitudes towards cheating. Furthermore, we explore the mediating role of motivational factors. Results of four studies reveal that self-enhancement value endorsement predicts the adoption of performance-approach goals, a relationship mediated by introjected regulation, namely desire for social approval and that self-enhancement value endorsement also predicts the condoning of cheating, a relationship mediated by performance-approach goal adoption. However, self-transcendence values prescribed by a normatively salient source have the potential to reduce the link between self-enhancement value endorsément and attitudes towards cheating. Normative assessment constitutes a key tool used by academic institutions to socialize young people to accept the competitive, meritocratic nature of a sociéty driven by a neo-liberal capitalist ideology. As such, the manifest function of grades is to motivate students to work hard and to buy into the competing ethos. Does normative assessment fulfill these functions? Our second chapter explores the reward-intrinsic motivation question in the context of grading, arguably a high-stakes reward. In two experiments, the relative capacity of graded high performance as compared to the task autonomy experienced in an ungraded task to predict post-task intrinsic motivation is assessed. Results show that whilst the graded task performance predicts post-task appreciation, it fails to predict ongoing motivation. However, perceived autonomy experienced in non-graded condition, predicts both post-task appreciation and ongoing motivation. Our third chapter asks whether normative assessment inspires the spirit of competition in students. Results of three experimental studies reveal that expectation of a grade for a task, compared to no grade, induces greater adoption of performance-avoidance, but not performance-approach, goals. Experiment 3 provides an explanatory mechanism for this, showing that reduced autonomous motivation experienced in previous graded tasks mediates the relationship between grading and adoption of performance avoidance goals in a subsequent task. The above results, when combined, provide evidence as to the deleterious effects of self enhancement values and the associated practice of normative assessment in school on student motivation, goals and ethics. We conclude by using value and motivation theory to explore solutions to this problem.