[Review of] Ivo Mijnssen, The Quest for an Ideal Youth in Putin’s Russia I. Back to Our Future! History, Modernity and Patriotism According to Nashi, 2005–2012. Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, Stuttgart: Ibidem Verlag, 2012, 202pp., e 34.90 p/b

THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.

The possibilities and limits of contestation in times of 'urban austerity'

This paper seeks to provide a conceptual framework in which to examine the social practices of contemporary austerity programmes in urban areas, including how these relate to different conceptions of crisis. Of current theoretical interest is the apparent ease with which these austerity measures have been accepted by urban governing agents. In order to advance these understandings we follow the recent post-structuralist discourse theory ‘logics’ approach of Glynos and Howarth (2007), focusing on the relationship between hegemony, political and social logics, and the subject whose identificatory practices are key to understanding the form, nature and stability of discursive settlements. In such thinking it is not only the formation of discourses and the mobilisation of rhetoric that are of interest, but also the manner in which the subjects of austerity identify with these. Through such an approach we examine the case of the regeneration/economic development and planning policy area in the city government of Birmingham (UK). In conclusion, we argue that the logics approach is a useful framework through which to examine how austerity has been uncontested in a city government, and the dynamics of acquiescence in relation to broader hegemonic discursive formations.

Heteronormativity and teaching: A phenomenological study of lesbian teachers

The purpose of this phenomenological study was to understand what impact “heteronormativity” has on a lesbian teacher's perception of her instructional style, content, and context of curriculum taught. Through taped interviews with lesbian educators, this research examined the lived experience of the lesbian teacher. The framework for this study included theories related to historical, sociocultural, and psychosocial development while the methodology included a qualitative design using primary elements of a phenomenological study outlined without ignoring the influence associated with contextualism. Due to the sensitive nature of the study nine women who were the focus of this research were volunteers with the first serving as a “gatekeeper” to assist in the pilot study. The subsequent group evolved as a result of “snowballing” to gain more participants. ^ The data in the form of narrative derived from the interviews was transcribed, color-coded, and organized into four themes and associated sub-themes, based upon the perceptions of these educators. These themes characterized the coming out process of a lesbian, which directly paralleled the personal and professional development of the lesbian educator, emerged as a result of the analysis. They included: (a) self-acknowledgement; (b) self-indentification; (c) coming out to other lesbians by overcoming fear and establishing relationships; (d) coming out to others by overcoming heteronormativity by using support groups in defining a lesbian's role as a teacher. ^ The results of this study showed that the acceptance of the lesbian culture, shared with the acknowledgement, rather than compliance or defiance, of cultural hegemony can allow the lesbian educator to develop a curriculum and a classroom climate that will foster understanding and even generate social change among colleagues, parents, and students, one person at a time. ^

Hyphenated cultures: Ethnicity and nation in Trinidad

This dissertation attempts to unravel why and how postcolonial Trinidad has displayed relative stability in spite of the presence of the factors that have produced conflict and instability in other postcolonial societies.^ Trinidad's distinctive social formation began in the colonial period with a unique politics of culture among the landowning European groups, Anglican English and French Creole. Contrary to the materialist assumption of landowners' class solidarity, the development of Trinidad's plantation economy into two crops, each controlled by a separate European ethno-religious faction, impeded the integration and subsequent ideological domination of European-Christians. Throughout the nineteenth century neither group dominated the other, nor did they fuse into a single ruling class. The dynamics between them both generated recurring conflict while simultaneously creating mechanisms that limited conflict. ^ Based on original in-depth fieldwork and historical analysis, the dissertation proceeds to demonstrate that Trinidad's unique intra-class conflict within the dominant European population has produced hyphenated, as opposed to hybridized cultural elements. Supplementing the historical analysis with empirical examinations of contemporary inter-religious rituals and post-colonial politics this dissertation argues that social integration is inseparable from the question of inter-cultural mixture or articulation. In Trinidad, however, the resulting combination of distinct cultural elements is neither a "plural society" (M.G. Smith 1965; Despres 1967) nor an integrated totality in the structural-functionalistic sense (R.T. Smith 1962; Braithwaite 1967). Moreover, Trinidad does not conform to the post-structural framework's depiction of the social linkage between power and culture. The concept of cultural hybridization is equally misleading in the case of Trinidad. The underlying assumption of a monolithic European population's cultural hegemony and post-structural analysis's almost exclusive focus on the inter -class politics of culture seriously misrepresent and misunderstand Trinidadian cultural and its associated social and political relations. The dissertation examines this reflexive influence of culture not as an instrument of the powerful few but as an autonomous force that reproduces social divisions, yet restrains conflict.^

La represión sexual como tema recurrente en la obra de Federico García Lorca

The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that sexual repression is a recurring theme throughout a selection of works by Federico García Lorca. The introductory chapter focuses on the sexual theories of Sigmund Freud and Michel Foucault in setting the foundation for an analysis of sexually frustrated characters. In chapter two, an analysis of Lorca's rural trilogy reveals how marginalized female characters struggle to preserve societal customs that subjugate them to the patriarchal hegemony by limiting their free will and their sexual freedom. The subsequent chapter elaborates on the theme of repression in poems where the oppressed voice expresses and denounces the intolerance and persecution of those who condemn homosexuality through metaphors of darkness, impurity, and barren love. Chapter four analyzes two avant-garde plays where the underlying message is that of a society that hampers the expression of homosexual love by silencing desire and forcing individuals to mask their identities. The conclusion demonstrates once more the effects of society on sexual freedom, as well as explaining that the recurrence of repressed women is not a pretext in portraying the homosexual saga, but a pre-text in presenting them as an equally marginalized group.

Para subsistir dignamente: Alberto Yarini and the search for Cubanidad, 1882-1910

This study looks at the broader transformations in Cuban history through the case study of a single, yet symbolic, man, and proposes a new paradigm for understanding the dynamics of Cuban society and culture. It also examines the implications for Cuba’s aspiring national identity at the turn of the twentieth century, by detailing the interplay between fact and fiction in the story of Alberto Yarini: elite born; well-educated; politically and socially well-connected; powerful; and celebrated Cuban racketeer and chulo (pimp). Yarini was described as vibrant and triumphant at a time when other nation-building forces in Cuba were weak and ambivalent. A century after his dramatic death, Yarini became the quintessential public man in Cuban lore who symbolized a cubanidad (Cuban national identity) not defined in terms of the ideological hegemony of class, race, or gender, and who through his actions dispelled the ambivalence that plagued Cuban nationalism. Using archival documents, contemporary newspaper accounts, court records, memoirs, and published works, this study analyzes the confluence of national events and individual action in the formation of Cuban national identity. It contends that for Cuba, the failure of nation-building experiments resulted in an ambivalent national identity based on failed philosophical and political ideals of equality and prosperity. These ideals played out within the context of the realities of racial discrimination, political dissonance, and class and gender barriers. Instead of a cohesive sense of national character, for Cubans the result was a competing set of identities including a populist version that was defined through identification with antitypes and pseudo-heroes such as Alberto Yarini y Ponce de León (1882-1910), a rising politician and celebrated chulo of the early republic. The telling and retelling of his story has given rise to what has been termed the island nation’s first national myth – one that continues to evolve and grow in the twenty-first century. For many Cubans, the Yarini antitype provided an idealized national identity which in many ways was—and many argue continues to be— the expression of an elusive and ambivalent cubanidad.

Foreign Language Education in Colombia: A Qualitative Study of Escuela Nueva

Since 2004 the Colombian Ministry of Education has been implementing the Programa Nacional de Bilingüismo (PNB) with the goal of having bilingual high school graduates in English and Spanish by 2019. However, implementation of the PNB has been criticized by English Language Teaching (ELT) specialists in the country who say, among other things, that the PNB introduced a discourse associated exclusively with bilingualism in English and Spanish. This study analyzed interviews with 15 participants of a public school of the Colombian Escuela Nueva, a successful model of community-based education that has begun a process of internationalization, regarding the participants’ perceptions of foreign language education and the policies of the PNB. Six students, five teachers, and four administrators were each interviewed twice using semi-structured interviews. To offer a critique of the PNB, this study tried to determine to what extent the school implemented the elements of Responsible ELT, a model developed by the researcher incorporating the concepts of hegemony of English, critical language-policy research, and resistance in ELT. Findings included the following: (a) students and teachers saw English as the universal language whereas most administrators saw English imposed due to political and economic reasons; (b) some teachers misinterpreted the 1994 General Law of Education mandating the teaching of a foreign language as a law mandating English; and (c) some teachers and administrators saw the PNB’s adoption of competence standards based on the Common European Framework of Reference for languages as beneficial whereas others saw it as arbitrary. Conclusions derived from this study of this Escuela Nueva school were: (a) most participants found the goal of the PNB unrealistic; (b) most teachers and administrators saw the policies of the PNB as top-down policies without assessment or continuity; and (c) teachers and administrators mentioned a disarticulation between elementary and high school ELT policies that may be discouraging students in public schools from learning English. Thus, this study suggests that the policies of the PNB may be contributing to English becoming a gatekeeper for higher education and employment thereby becoming a tool for sustaining inequality in Colombia.

Tittmann and the 'Tiger Car' : competing conceptions of modernity in Haiti, 1946-50

The purpose of this project was to address the lack of scholarship on mid-twentieth century Haitian history and illustrate its significance. It employs primary and secondary sources in shaping a Gramscian historical narrative. Ideas of "everyday resistance" and internal and external politics are also be of significance to this work. In mid-twentieth century Haiti, the black-nationalist rhetoric of noirisme became the dominant political ideology. Blackness was amorphous and its application to politics was dependent upon class. In proclaiming blackness the average Haitian was attacking the class schism that beleaguered the island. Yet for the elite noirismewas a conduit to modernity and a useful tool for muting the division between rich and poor. With the election of Dumarsais Estimé in 1946, dialogue between the U.S. government, the Haitian elite, and the masses, relative to definitions of modernity played out within the new political reality of noirisme.

Promoção, vencimento e avaliação de desempenho do professor do ensino fundamental: o PCCR da rede municipal de ensino de Natal/RN (2004-2010)

This study is about the enhancement of the elementary school in Natal/RN, (PCCR - Law No. 058/2004), concerning to the horizontal promotion through the performance evaluation. It uses as reference the education policy on the legislative field hegemony and the managerial model. The analysis of the teacher´s valorization is based on the policy of Funds (Fundef and Fundeb) in the Brazilian social and educational agenda. The study focuses on the Career Plan, Career and Remuneration of teachers in the period (2004-2010).The study focuses on the Career Plan, Career and Remuneration of teachers in the period (2004-2010). The thesis argues for the necessity to adopt a direct relationship between career development and horizontal promotion for more others fifteen classes, no matter to any conditioning variables. In addition, the performance shall be evaluated by interval of 25 years to reach at least the provisions decided in the law, which determines the salary adjustment in 5% at every two years, as pointed at the PCCR, about teachers remuneration, and teachers qualifications. A work of a bibliographic and a documental review about the education funding with the purpose of enhancement of educational work, career concepts, and also promotion and evaluation performance as well was performed based on experts authors in this field. The survey was organized with the aim of articulating quantitative and qualitative information, analyzing data from the teacher's salary - payrolls and paychecks - also applying a questionnaire. After the implementation of the PCCR, it was found that the wage indices for horizontal promotion during the teaching career are tied to a strategy for evaluating the performance which disqualifies the teacher‟s salaries in a minimum percentage of 25% (up to 25 years) and there are also elements that disturb the promotion strategy. The national minimum wage was set in three salaries by the PSPN Lei nº11.738/2008 but it never reaches the three salaries at Natal/RN educational system.Otherwise, the elements that structure the horizontal promotion in fifteen classes, throughout the career, flout the minimum years of teaching work, long established in 25 years. In addition, changes in terms in the salary increase depend on individual efforts by professional development through titration. Concerning to the career, despite of the category approving its PCCR, neither this instrument nor the Funds Policy managed to establish regulations were able to cope effective rules for valuing the teachers in the educational district system. It is necessary to ensure, in percentage terms and financial, the real remuneration of teachers with the attainment of horizontal promotion, reviewing the elements that structure the career and the determinants of performance evaluation.

Viver e esperar viver: corpo e identidade na transição de gênero de homens trans

This work seeks to understand how trans men build their identities and live the transsexual experience in the relationships they establish daily onto “man” category. It could be observed that for it they engenders a specific gender transition in the midst of male transsexuality. Despite being under a complex amalgam of relations of exploitation and disciplinary domination, ways of being man are brokered for a living and entry into spaces where they are expelled for not conform the bodies that gender norms require. It is understood that gender transition is a process at the same time of organic and prosthetic body management and the assumption of your own identity. Thus, they build a politic of identity that creatively fixes a person's category as rights holder. The "transition" is therefore to transact from nonexistence to a place of humanity. This dissertation describes how this process takes place in the experiences of the speakers, observing the practices that bring out the male, front of class positions on the labor market, access to health, hormonization and own identity. Thereby, theories that fix them as expressing female masculinities or marginal to the hegemony do not find exactitude in their lives. The research methodologically started performing "multilocated ethnographies" that gave possibilities to in-depth interviews with 15 stakeholders from the Northeast, Midwest, Southeast and South of Brazil. Between 2014 and 2015, from the applying of network technique to the first dialogues in research, it was possible to build a participant observation by the trans men’s everyday life. Wherewith I was capable to behold their own private activities, as well as their public agency amid a trans activism collective in northeast, and the follow-up actions in which they were involved during the XII Encontro Nacional em Universidades de Diversidade Sexual e de Gênero (ENUDSG) held in Mossoró/RN. Therefore, the thesis engages to describe and understand the different ways of constructing trans male gender transitions in access to transsexuality and therefore a way of explaining their own trajectories in terms of people that exist as such, even though in the midst of narratives marked by emotions linked to "not live", to suffering and dehumanization.

Práticas e características do jornalismo alternativo e contra hegemônico de agência de informação: uma visão a partir da rotina produtiva da Adital

The strong presence of the communication and information technologies (TICs) forced the productive routine of some media vehicles to go through significant changes. The same happened to the alternative agencies segment. Having a scarce literature and sources about this subject, this study’s objective is to understand how the Information Agency Frei Tito for Latin America (Adital) develops its proposal of alternative journalism, within the cyberspace, while aiming a Christian communication. For this finality, the study will describe and explain the practices of journalistic production, identifying the subjects involved and the relations maintained between them in this productive routine. Also, it will trace who and where these content replicators are and/or their online address. At first, it was presented a theoretical discussion about the concepts of “counter-hegemony”, alternative journalism and communicative citizenship, what brings us to the studies of Gramsci (2010), Peruzzo (2011), Moraes (2013), Paiva (2008), Coutinho (2008), Mata (2006), among other authors. Next, it will be approached briefly the historical path of the information agencies around the world and in Latin America, so that the study can focus on authors like Aguiar (2009), Pasti (2013) and Moraes (2010). This piece will draught a “methodologic route” for a qualitative approach with an exploratory and descriptive character. We gave up the etnometodological methods, what allow us to analyze the etnomethods or behavioral groups of action, procedures, activities and knowledge that constitutes these groups, giving them recognition and distinction. (COULON, 1995). To achieve the defined objectives, it was also used a bibliographical and documental research techniques, in addition to subject observation and semi-structured interviews. Finally, we analyze the collected data taking into consideration three pivots: the beginning of Adital; the practices, characteristics and subjects involved in the productive routine of the agency; and who are and where are these content replicators of content produced and transmitted by Adital. We can conclude that the production routine of an alternative agency and the counter-hegemonic of information is marked by some singularities regarding to the organization of the journalistic practice and to the obstacles found on the way. Our data allows us, even if there are still some doubts, to believe that Adital is a sort of independent information agency, alternative and counter-hegemonic, ergo, more close to a proposition of communicative citizenship.

Práticas e características do jornalismo alternativo e contra hegemônico de agência de informação: uma visão a partir da rotina produtiva da Adital

The strong presence of the communication and information technologies (TICs) forced the productive routine of some media vehicles to go through significant changes. The same happened to the alternative agencies segment. Having a scarce literature and sources about this subject, this study’s objective is to understand how the Information Agency Frei Tito for Latin America (Adital) develops its proposal of alternative journalism, within the cyberspace, while aiming a Christian communication. For this finality, the study will describe and explain the practices of journalistic production, identifying the subjects involved and the relations maintained between them in this productive routine. Also, it will trace who and where these content replicators are and/or their online address. At first, it was presented a theoretical discussion about the concepts of “counter-hegemony”, alternative journalism and communicative citizenship, what brings us to the studies of Gramsci (2010), Peruzzo (2011), Moraes (2013), Paiva (2008), Coutinho (2008), Mata (2006), among other authors. Next, it will be approached briefly the historical path of the information agencies around the world and in Latin America, so that the study can focus on authors like Aguiar (2009), Pasti (2013) and Moraes (2010). This piece will draught a “methodologic route” for a qualitative approach with an exploratory and descriptive character. We gave up the etnometodological methods, what allow us to analyze the etnomethods or behavioral groups of action, procedures, activities and knowledge that constitutes these groups, giving them recognition and distinction. (COULON, 1995). To achieve the defined objectives, it was also used a bibliographical and documental research techniques, in addition to subject observation and semi-structured interviews. Finally, we analyze the collected data taking into consideration three pivots: the beginning of Adital; the practices, characteristics and subjects involved in the productive routine of the agency; and who are and where are these content replicators of content produced and transmitted by Adital. We can conclude that the production routine of an alternative agency and the counter-hegemonic of information is marked by some singularities regarding to the organization of the journalistic practice and to the obstacles found on the way. Our data allows us, even if there are still some doubts, to believe that Adital is a sort of independent information agency, alternative and counter-hegemonic, ergo, more close to a proposition of communicative citizenship.

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.

Critique féministe matérialiste du droit civil québécois : le travail « domestique » et les violences sexuées, les « impensés » du droit du logement.

Cette recherche constitue un essai de théorie critique féministe matérialiste et radicale. Elle poursuit principalement un objectif de dénonciation de la structure actuelle du droit du logement. À partir d’un cadre conceptuel fondé sur le féminisme matérialiste et radical, elle souhaite faire ressortir le point de vue de la classe des femmes dans l’habitation. Le droit du logement est ici utilisé dans un sens large, puisqu’il se réfère à la fois au logement comme phénomène juridique, mais aussi sociologique. À l’intérieur de la discipline juridique, il renvoie à l’ensemble des législations actuellement en vigueur au Québec en ce qui concerne la vie à domicile. Notre étude se concentre sur deux modes d’occupation des lieux, à travers le droit de propriété et le système locatif. Le droit au logement fait l’objet d’une reconnaissance internationale dans les textes portant sur les droits humains. Il est reconnu comme le « droit à un logement suffisant ». Au Canada et au Québec, il ne fait pas l’objet d’une reconnaissance explicite, malgré les engagements pris sur la scène internationale. Un portrait statistique, appuyé sur le critère du sexe, permet de mettre en évidence qu’il existe des écarts entre les hommes et les femmes en ce qui concerne la mise en application du droit du logement. Les femmes accèdent plus difficilement à un logement; elles y effectuent la majorité du travail domestique, de service et de « care » et elles sont les principales victimes des violences commises à domicile. Dans le système d’habitation, l’expérience des femmes se comprend comme une appropriation à la fois privée et collective par la classe des hommes, telle que réfléchie par Colette Guillaumin, qui se concentre autour de la division sexuelle du travail et des violences sexuées. Le droit du logement, dans sa forme actuelle, repose sur l’appropriation de la force de travail des femmes et de leur corps. Ces deux critères permettent de construire une grille d’analyse féministe matérialiste et radicale pour analyser la structure du droit du logement, tel que conçu en droit civil. Cette analyse féministe permet également de situer le droit étatique comme une pratique patriarcale. Cette dernière contribue à assurer le maintien du système d’habitation, qui est assimilable à un système hégémonique, au sens développé par Gramsci. Cette étude réfléchit sur le droit du logement dans le climat politique néolibéral. Le néolibéralisme est développé comme une idéologie qui impose une rationalité marchande à l’ensemble des politiques étatiques. À partir d’une méthode décrite comme métathéorique externe radicalement réflexive, puisqu’elle propose l’importation d’outils conceptuels étrangers à la discipline du droit moderne, nous réfléchissons de manière radicale la construction du droit civil et des institutions qui encadrent le droit du logement. La collecte des données s’effectue à partir de la recherche documentaire. Quatre institutions du droit civil seront examinées dans le détail, soit le sujet du droit, la dichotomie privé/public, la médiation du droit du logement par les biens immeubles, à travers le rapport contractuel et le droit de propriété, et finalement les notaires. L’analyse féministe du sujet du droit insiste sur un paradoxe. D’une part, l’universalité présumée de ce sujet, laquelle permet de poser l’égalité et la liberté pour toutes les personnes juridiques. Or, plutôt que d’être neutre sexuellement comme le prétend le droit positif, nous démontrons comment ce sujet est constamment un membre de la classe des hommes. D’autre part, nous analysons comment le droit reconnaît le sexe de ses sujets, mais surtout comment cette sexualité est construite sur l’idéologie naturaliste. Ce modèle de sujet masculin est fondamental dans la construction du droit du logement. L’étude féministe de la dichotomie privé/public en fait ressortir le caractère situé. En effet, si par essence aucun domaine ou enjeu n’est en soit privé ou public, le processus de qualification, lui, est un acte de pouvoir. Nous verrons comment le droit civil crée des zones de droit privé, comprises comme des zones de non-droit pour les femmes. La qualification de privé dévalue également le travail accompli par cette classe de sexe. Le droit du logement est pourtant centré sur le rapport contractuel et sur le droit de propriété. Il importe alors d’examiner la nature du consentement donné par les femmes comme groupe social dans les contrats de vente et de location. Ces contrats ne prennent pas en compte l’expérience des femmes dans leur formation. Les catégories qui y sont attachées, telles que vendeur.e ou locataire, représentent le point de vue de la classe des hommes. Bien que la popularité de la copropriété auprès de la classe des femmes semble porteuse d’un vent de changement, nous analysons comment le discours dominant qui l’entoure instrumentalise certaines revendications féministes, tout en laissant dans l’ombre la question du travail domestique et des violences sexuées. Finalement, nous nous intéressons aux notaires en les repensant comme des intellectuel.les organiques, tels que conçu.es par Gramsci, pour la classe des hommes. Cette fonction d’intellectuel.les permet de mettre en lumière comment chaque transaction immobilière favorise la reproduction des intérêts patriarcaux, remettant ainsi en question la nature des devoirs de conseil et d’impartialité du notariat. À la lumière de cette analyse, le Code civil du Québec est qualifié dans une perspective féministe matérialiste et radicale pour devenir un système qui institutionnalise l’appropriation des femmes par l’entremise du droit du logement. Ce travail de recherche permet d’envisager certaines pistes de réflexion pour des rénovations potentielles des pratiques juridiques entourant le droit du logement, notamment la pratique notariale, tournées vers des objectifs féministes de justice sociale.

Movimientos sociales, política y hegemonía en Argentina

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la relación entre los movimientos sociales y la dinámica política en la Argentina. Para ello se analizan primero las acciones de resistencia de los movimientos durante la hegemonía neoliberal, luego durante el período de crisis y finalmente en la etapa "posneoliberal", donde aparecen nuevas condiciones de acción histórica. La mirada sobre las lógicas políticas imbricadas en los procesos nos permitirá aportar a la comprensión de los alcances de la acción de los movimientos sociales en la configuración del orden político actual en Argentina, como parte de acontecimientos históricos de mayor alcance que tienen lugar en países de América Latina