990 resultados para COLOMBIAN ELECTIONS


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Hepatitis B is a worldwide health problem affecting about 2 billion people and more than 350 million are chronic carriers of the virus. Nine HBV genotypes (A to I) have been described. The geographical distribution of HBV genotypes is not completely understood due to the limited number of samples from some parts of the world. One such example is Colombia, in which few studies have described the HBV genotypes. In this study, we characterized HBV genotypes in 143 HBsAg-positive volunteer blood donors from Colombia. A fragment of 1306 bp partially comprising HBsAg and the DNA polymerase coding regions (S/POL) was amplified and sequenced. Bayesian phylogenetic analyses were conducted using the Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) approach to obtain the maximum clade credibility (MCC) tree using BEAST v.1.5.3. Of all samples, 68 were positive and 52 were successfully sequenced. Genotype F was the most prevalent in this population (77%) - subgenotypes F3 (75%) and Fib (2%). Genotype G (7.7%) and subgenotype A2 (15.3%) were also found. Genotype G sequence analysis suggests distinct introductions of this genotype in the country. Furthermore, we estimated the time of the most recent common ancestor (TMRCA) for each HBV/F subgenotype and also for Colombian F3 sequences using two different datasets: (i) 77 sequences comprising 1306 bp of S/POL region and (ii) 283 sequences comprising 681 bp of S/POL region. We also used two other previously estimated evolutionary rates: (i) 2.60 x 10(-4) s/s/y and (ii) 1.5 x 10(-5) s/s/y. Here we report the HBV genotypes circulating in Colombia and estimated the TMRCA for the four different subgenotypes of genotype F. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Hepatitis C virus (HCV) is a frequent cause of acute and chronic hepatitis and a leading cause for cirrhosis of the liver and hepatocellular carcinoma. HCV is classified in six major genotypes and more than 70 subtypes. In Colombian blood banks, serum samples were tested for anti-HCV antibodies using a third-generation ELISA. The aim of this study was to characterize the viral sequences in plasma of 184 volunteer blood donors who attended the ""Banco Nacional de Sangre de la Cruz Roja Colombiana,`` Bogota, Colombia. Three different HCV genomic regions were amplified by nested PCR. The first of these was a segment of 180 bp of the 5`UTR region to confirm the previous diagnosis by ELISA. From those that were positive to the 5`UTR region, two further segments were amplified for genotyping and subtyping by phylogenetic analysis: a segment of 380 bp from the NS5B region; and a segment of 391 bp from the E1 region. The distribution of HCV subtypes was: 1b (82.8%), 1a (5.7%), 2a (5.7%), 2b (2.8%), and 3a (2.8%). By applying Bayesian Markov chain Monte Carlo simulation, it was estimated that HCV-1b was introduced into Bogota around 1950. Also, this subtype spread at an exponential rate between about 1970 to about 1990, after which transmission of HCV was reduced by anti-HCV testing of this population. Among Colombian blood donors, HCV genotype 1b is the most frequent genotype, especially in large urban conglomerates such as Bogota, as is the case in other South American countries. J. Med. Virol. 82: 1889-1898, 2010. (C) 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

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Hepatitis delta virus (HDV) is widely distributed and associated with fulminant hepatitis epidemics in areas with high prevalence of HBV. Several studies performed in the 1980s showed data on HDV infection in South America, but there are no studies on the viral dynamics of this virus. The aim of this study was to conduct an evolutionary analysis of hepatitis delta genotype 3 (HDV/3) prevalent in South America: estimate its nucleotide substitution rate, determine the time of most recent ancestor (TMRCA) and characterize the epidemic history and evolutionary dynamics. Furthermore, we characterized the presence of HBV/HDV infection in seven samples collected from patients who died due to fulminant hepatitis from Amazon region in Colombia and included them in the evolutionary analysis. This is the first study reporting HBV and HDV sequences from the Amazon region of Colombia. Of the seven Colombian patients, five were positive for HBV-DNA and HDV-RNA. Of them, two samples were successfully sequenced for HBV (subgenotypes F3 and Fib) and the five samples HDV positive were classified as HDV/3. By using all HDV/3 available reference sequences with sampling dates (n = 36), we estimated the HDV/3 substitution rate in 1.07 x 10(-3) substitutions per site per year (s/s/y), which resulted in a time to the most recent common ancestor (TMRCA) of 85 years. Also, it was determined that HDV/3 spread exponentially from early 1950s to the 1970s in South America. This work discusses for the first time the viral dynamics for the HDV/3 circulating in South America. We suggest that the measures implemented to control HBV transmission resulted in the control of HDV/3 spreading in South America, especially after the important raise in this infection associated with a huge mortality during the 1950s up to the 1970s. The differences found among HDV/3 and the other HDV genotypes concerning its diversity raises the hypothesis of a different origin and/or a different transmission route. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Purpose: To determine the prevalence of trachoma in Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira (SGC), the only urban community of the upper Rio Negro Basin of the Amazon state in Brazil, near the Colombian border, and to investigate the risk factors associated with the active forms of the disease. Methods: A total of 1702 people (440 children up to 9 years and 1069 adults aged 15 years and above) were examined. The sample was selected from a probabilistic household sampling procedure based on census data and a previous study of trachoma prevalence in Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira. A two-stage probabilistic household cluster sample was drawn. Household units were randomly selected within each cluster. A variety of socioeconomic and hygiene variables were studied in order to determine the risk factors for active trachoma in a household. Results: The total prevalence of trachoma was 8.9%. Prevalence of active trachoma (TF and/or TI) in children aged 1-9 years was 11.1% and trachomatous trichiasis in adults aged 15 years and above was 0.19%. Trachomatous scarring reached a peak of 22.4% for subjects between 50 to 60 years of age. Corneal opacity occurred in subjects aged 50 years and older with a prevalence of 2.0%. No sex effect was found on the overall prevalence of trachoma in SGC. Risk factors associated with active trachoma were mainly related to poor socioeconomic indicators. Conclusions: Despite the ubiquitous presence of water, the analysis of the risk factors associated with the active forms of the disease supports the idea that a low personal standard of hygiene and not water availability per se, is the key factor associated with trachoma.

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Recent research in Australian sociology and political science has debated the extent to which postmaterialist values and economic self-interest shape voting in federal elections. Some researchers have argued that postmaterialist values have partly displaced materialist concerns with physical security and economic well-being in Australian public life. This displacement, coupled with the adoption by major political parties of postmaterialist 'quality of life' issues such as the environment, has meant that voting in Australia has come to be more dependent on postmaterialist values than on perceptions of economic interest. Other research, however, has found no relationship between postmaterialist values and voting behaviour, while economic evaluations remain a strong determinant of voting behaviour. Part of the disagreement reflects methodological differences in the research. But different methodological problems compromise each of the previous studies. In this paper we use data from the 1990, 1993, 1996 and 1998 Australian Election Studies to investigate postmaterialist and economic voting in the Commonwealth House of Representatives and the Senate. Using various statistical methods, we first explore bivariate relationships between key variables and then use multivariate models of postmaterialist and economic voting to adjudicate between the contending positions.

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Peacemaking in Bosnia-Herzegovina is a controversial subject that engaged the political energies of the international community for several years without resolution. While international efforts at peacemaking warrant a critique in their own right, the assumptions that lie behind popular perceptions of peacemaking must also be examined. This article explores the proposition that the promotion of multi-ethnic contact between Bosnian people is at least as important as elections or the reconstruction of political institutions. Indeed, the restoration and development of inter-ethnic relationships, especially at grassroots level, is essential for the establishment of sustainable peace. This article thus focuses on the roles of NGOs (Non-governmental organisations) active at the grassroots level in Bosnia, such as the Centre for Drama Education in Mostar, Project Firefly in Brcko, and the CARE Welcome Project in Sarajevo, which represent a grassroots form of peacemaking that incorporates local knowledge and understandings of the conflict within peace projects.

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Pippa Norris provides a schematic account of the evolution of campaigning through premodern, modern and postmodern stages. In particular she points to an emerging postmodern phase of electioneering characterized by a renewed emphasis upon direct forms of engagement which resonate with an earlier period in which campaigns were locally fought and largely dependent upon the canvassing efforts of party workers and volunteers. Norris's analysis offers a useful prism with which to view recent developments in electioneering in Australia. In the past several elections the rival Labor and Liberal parties have attempted to achieve a synergy between their centrally conducted and constituency-level campaigns by ensuring that their national campaigns are locally relevant and address local concerns. Their efforts to 'localize the national' meld the use of sophisticated software with elements of a traditional 'meet and greet' politics and suggest that local campaigning may now have a new shape and importance.

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A administra????o p??blica passou por diversas mudan??as nos ??ltimos 30 anos. Parte dessas altera????es tem origem nas oportunidades criadas pelas inova????es tecnol??gicas. O objetivo deste trabalho ?? apresentar como tem sido o uso de tecnologias da informa????o e comunica????o (TICs) nas inova????es promovidas na administra????o p??blica federal brasileira. Para tanto, tomamos como base a descri????o de cinco experi??ncias inovadoras em TIC premiadas nos concursos anuais Inova????o na Gest??o P??blica Federal, realizados pela Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica (ENAP): o Portal da Transpar??ncia da Controladoria-Geral da Uni??o (CGU); o Programa Nacional do Livro Did??tico; o uso dos computadores de m??o pelo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estat??stica (IBGE); a entrega da Declara????o do Imposto de Renda via internet; e a utiliza????o de urnas eletr??nicas nas elei????es brasileiras. A despeito da relev??ncia dos avan??os do governo eletr??nico brasileiro at?? aqui, medidas de aprimoramento da intera????o entre os diversos ??rg??os p??blicos e tamb??m das pol??ticas p??blicas de inclus??o digital ainda se fazem necess??rias.

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O direito à memória é o direito que tem a sociedade de conhecer, lembrar e procurar a verdade sobre seu próprio passado, sobretudo em situações de violência recente como é o conflito armado colombiano. O direito à memória pode ser garantido ou negado no campo da didatização da história. O ensino de história também acontece em espaços não escolarizados como os museus. O tema da pesquisa é: como os estudantes constroem explicações históricas sobre o conflito armado colombiano em um ambiente museal, e sua relação com o direito à memória. O trabalho de campo se desenvolve na Casa Museu Jorge Eliécer Gaitán (Bogotá - Colômbia), com estudantes das três últimas séries do sistema escolar colombiano. Partimos do pressuposto de que a Casa Museu Gaitán está vinculada não só a um passado doloroso, mas também a um presente conflituoso. As temporalidades superpostas deste espaço museal, são analisadas através das relações entre história acadêmica, história escolar e história cotidiana. Por isto, dialoga-se também com os conteúdos propostos para à área de Ciências Sociais e o livro didático. Garantir um direito à memória através do ensino de história, passa por combater as pretensões oficiais de impor uma memória única do passado, e oferecer ferramentas para que os estudantes possam construir explicações históricas a partir do raciocínio crítico. Isto é possível quando os estudantes confrontam as diferentes vozes que relatam o passado recente. No caso colombiano, garantir o direito à memória através do ensino de história da violência recente, é ainda mais complexo pela função que desenvolve o próprio Estado colombiano no meio do conflito armado.

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A presente dissertação pretendeu observar a presença de candidatos da Igreja Evangélica Assembleia de Deus no Estado do Espírito Santo no âmbito de sua representação parlamentar no legislativo estadual nas eleições de 2002, 2006 e 2010. Observou-se a relação entre religião e política ressaltando-se a expansão evangélica pentecostal, especificamente o caso da Assembleia de Deus. O estudo parte da ideia de que a escolha de líderes dentro das estruturas institucionais religiosas também pode influenciar escolhas no âmbito da estrutura social como, por exemplo, a escolha de lideranças políticas.

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O objeto de estudo dessa pesquisa é a política de segurança pública brasileira visando compreender o seu percurso ideológico e político no contexto de retomada e da consolidação da democracia no Brasil, após 21 anos de ditadura militar. Considerando o contexto no qual se verifica a existência de disputa política em torno da concepção de segurança pública, o objetivo geral deste trabalho é compreender a matriz estruturante da política de segurança pública no Brasil contemporâneo. Seu intuito visa responder à pergunta inicial e condutora do interesse que estrutura este trabalho, aqui apresentada nos seguintes termos: a política de segurança pública no Brasil após o restabelecimento das eleições diretas para a Presidência da República está em vias de transição, tendendo a assumir caráter democrático ou a força da tradição autoritária na cultura política brasileira tem-se garantido a sua continuidade neste campo da intervenção estatal? Ancoramos a nossa reflexão nas categorias teóricas de dominação, coerção e consenso no pensamento clássico de Hobbes, Marx, Weber e Gramsci, extraindo deles os elementos que nos auxiliam no entendimento da política de segurança pública brasileira. Para o estudo dessa política foi fundamental operarmos uma profunda revisão bibliográfica, especialmente para entender como a manutenção da ordem foi se desenhando no contexto brasileiro e como historicamente tem prevalecido um modelo de segurança pública marcado pelo autoritarismo. Entretanto, a partir da redemocratização brasileira há a emergência de outro paradigma para a política de segurança pública, a segurança cidadã, propondo, entre outras coisas, a reforma das instituições de segurança pública e a formação em direitos humanos nas instituições policiais. Para a análise do paradigma emergente de segurança, buscamos apoio no Programa Nacional dos Direitos Humanos e no Plano Nacional de Segurança Pública, documentos federais que representam a construção de uma nova intencionalidade para a segurança pública no Brasil. Finalmente, reconhecemos que, embora haja significativas reformas na segurança pública, tal política, diante da prevalência de um paradigma de segurança tradicional com fortes componentes autoritários, se encontra entre a segurança cidadã e a continuidade autoritária.

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The debate around the women`s participation in politics continues to be a very present subject. This article has the intention to select, in quantitative terms, that kind of participation, particularly in the case of the autarchic local administration in Portugal, through the last 25 years. It does not intend, thus, to study the best or worse feminine performance in the respective elections and/or the exercise of the mandate. The analysis involves the 308 local governments and the 4.261 parish’s existing in Portugal. It covers almost the totality of the elected officers in the period analysed which covers the elections of 1982, 1989, 1993, 1997, 2001 and 2005,with a total of 276.068 elected men and women, where a total of 24.905 were women.