Concept, Measurement, and Ideology of "National Competitiveness"

The author of this paper reviewing the perceptions of competitiveness reveals the origin and ambiguity of the concept of “national competitiveness” which is mostly confused with that of development of countries and competitiveness of their enterprises. He investigates the role of transnational companies and governments in shaping the world economic position of countries, presents a critique on the measurement of “national competitiveness” of countries, and heavily opposes the ideological use of the latter for justifying antisocial measures.

A neoliberális "kapitalizmus" fogalom megszűnése (The disappearance of the term “neoliberal capitalism”)

A kommunizmusnak – vagy amit a XX. században annak neveztek – a fasizmus nem elfogadható alternatívája. Az elmúlt húsz év meghatározó ideológiai áramlata, a neoliberalizmus ezt nem értette meg. A baloldallal szemben túlzott mértékben lépett fel, míg ezzel szemben a jobboldali szélsőségnek jelentős teret engedett. A szélsőjobboldali szemlélet, az anakronisztikus, barbár provincializmus felszámolásához szükség van a nyugati típusú konzervativizmus és a szociáldemokrácia együttműködésére, a két elméleti irányzat partneri viszonyára. Ehhez mindenekelőtt a neoliberalizmus elméleti meghaladására van szükség. A tanulmányban ezért a neoliberalizmus meghatározó tételeinek kritikáját végezzük el annak érdekében, hogy az új világrendhez igazodó elméleti keret kialakulásához hozzájáruljunk. _____ The acceptable alternative of communism, or what it had been called in the 20th century, is not fascism. The mainstream in the ideology of the last couple of decades, neo-liberalism, has not understood this statement. It allows too wide range for the extremists in the far right; however, in the other side it was too rigid with the left. To terminate the barbarian, anachronistic provincialism in the far right, cooperation between the neo-conservativism prevailing in the West and the social democrat movement is needed. The partnership between the two streams is inevitable. In order to achieve this goal the first step is the debate with the theoretical background of the neo-liberal way of thinking. The main purpose of this paper is to start this discussion hoping that we can contribute to the new theoretical framework in the social sciences.

A case study of a liberal Jewish day school's middle school transition

The Jacobson Sinai Academy is a Liberal Reform Jewish Day School, in North Miami Beach, Florida. When the Academy was started over 18 years ago it was designed as a K–6 school. This was in keeping with the existing model for Reform day schools at the time and met the needs and desires of the early founders. The philosophy of the school addressed meeting the needs of the individual child as well as the fostering of Judaic values and traditions in an academically nurturing and experiential setting. Upon graduation, students moved from the Academy to a variety of public and private options, all of which served the needs of the families at the time. In recent years, due to numerous factors within the community, parents voiced concerns as to where their children would continue their education during the critical middle school years. As a result of these concerns, and through the efforts of a dedicated group of parents and lay leaders, the decision was made to add an upper school component to the existing elementary configuration. This study is a qualitative case study which chronicles the organizational change effort that was undertaken for this purpose to determine facilitating conditions and impediments leading to the change. The analysis serves to inform others wishing to advance such an undertaking. ^ Results of the study indicated that certain conditions are necessary for the successful implementation of any change effort. The culture of the organization must be acknowledged and is a primary factor to be considered when advancing change. Collaboration with those committed to the enterprise must occur, and this in turn can lead to an agreed upon philosophy which expresses the diversity of needs and values of all of those involved. Resistance, while expected from certain individuals within the organization, can be overcome through the efforts of key players who assume leadership positions that are transformational in nature. Additionally, the rationale for middle schools, and the need for this one in particular, are factors which led to the success of this initiative. ^

El discurso costumbrista colombiano del siglo XIX: Instrumento ideológico idealizado

Based on critical ideas from Michel Foucault, Benedict Anderson and Doris Sommer, this study analyzes the nation building function of the article of custom and manners and its literary mode "costumbrismo" in the Colombian literature of the 19th and beginning of the 20 th centuries. The discursive techniques and devices used in " costumbrismo" were put into effect by the Colombian intelligentsia to create a sense of national identity. Authors like, Ricardo Silva, José Caicedo Rojas, José David Guarín, Ignacio Gutiérrez Vergara, Eugenio Díaz, Juan de Dios Restrepo, José María Vergara y Vergara, Jorge Isaacs, José Eustaquio Palacios, José Manuel Marroquín, Tomás Carrasquilla, and José Eustasio Rivera became detailed observers that sometimes criticized and at other times just described customs and manners of different social classes and institutions. Through journalistic and literary discourse depicting regional customs and manners, these regionalist writers pretended to provide an objective and actual image of Colombian society, articulating, instead, a subjective message which expressed and reinforced their particular sense of nation based on a liberal or conservative political agenda. This discourse was used to shape the ideology of the republic thorough the idealization of a particular view of the nation.

Patriarchal ideology and frequency of partner abuse among men in batterer treatment groups

This research examined the relative influence of a number of factors, patriarchal ideology, age, socio-economic status, partner relationship, and problem behaviors on the frequency of partner abuse. Patriarchal ideology as measured by the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS), and the Inventory of Beliefs about Wife Beating (IBWB) among men in batterer treatment programs did not have the strong influence expected on whether men in treatment are more frequent abusers of their partners. Instead, having a criminal record and having been identified as having a substance abuse problem stood out as being the most influential factors associated with frequent partner abuse. Questionnaires were administered to 283 men in batterer treatment programs in Dade County Florida who volunteered to participate in the study. Specifically, men in batterer groups who scored low on the AWS or high on the IBWB indicating an adherence to patriarchal ideology were predicted to report more frequent abuse of their partners. Conversely, men in treatment who scored high on the AWS or low on the IBWB indicating a tendency towards a non-patriarchal ideology were predicted to report less frequent abuse. ^

Children's Literature, Ideology, and Cultural Identity Before and After the Cuban Revolution

Mediante de un acercamiento cronológico, esta disertación analiza la función de la ideología como herramienta poderosa para construir la nación y moldear al futuro ciudadano en la narrativa infantil cubana pre y pos-revolucionaria. Aunque una tradición y un proceso de formación de identidad nacional anteceden la literatura infantil publicada antes del triunfo de la Revolución, en los períodos posteriores existe una estrecha relación entre el contexto social de los textos y su función ideológica. Partiendo de “La Edad de Oro” (1889) de José Martí, este estudio se enfoca en los cambios socio-culturales que influyen en el desarrollo de una narrativa infantil nacional que transita del didacticismo más férreo a una variada exploración temática. Por encontrarse entre la Colonia y la etapa revolucionaria, el período republicano ha recibido poca atención crítica, marginado a veces de la herencia literaria de la nación. Sin embargo, el análisis de varios textos representativos en este período permite apreciar la integración de un pensamiento cubano desde búsquedas y posiciones muy diferentes a las del período siguiente, de 1959 a 1989. A partir de 1990 una diversificación temática fomenta objetivos muy distantes del enunciado didáctico. Este estudio concluye que en contraste con los pertenecientes a generaciones anteriores, en los escritores formados dentro de la Revolución, especialmente a partir de la década del ochenta, existe un interés especial por abordar temáticas inexploradas en la literatura infantil tradicional. El divorcio, la muerte, los conflictos generacionales y las diferencias raciales son sólo algunos de los temas que matizan la narrativa infantil posrevolucionaria, cuyos presupuestos ideo-estéticos, se encuentran intrínsecamente relacionados al contexto sociocultural.

Identity, Ideology, and Cinema: Making Sense of Japan's Foreign and Security Policies in the 1950s and 2000s

Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed. This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past. The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.

A organização da educação no território federal do Amapá: do "ideal" ao real, do liberal ao conservador (1943-1958)

The present study on “organization education on Amapá’s Federal Territory (1943-1958)”, looked forward to answering the following questions: Was there an educational policy, in a systemic way, on the former Amapá’s federal territory? On the other hand, what were the main initiatives of the first intervenors for the education dissemination? After facing these questions, we established, as hypothesis, that the developed actions in the education’s scope on that territory back in the 40’s and 50’s were not able to implant an educational project in Amapá, since there was no preoccupation to understanding the sociocultural reality of Amapá’s population. Given this hypothesis, we analyzed the relation between the political practices developed by the first intervenor on the territory and the brazilian political scenario, from the legal-administrative nature of the federal entities and political conjuncture of the “New State” (1937-1945). To achieve that, we sought some similarities between Janary Gentil Nunes’s ways of governing and Getúlio Vargas’s political actions. To make this happen, it was necessary to check official documents out, as well as unofficial ones, especially the old articles published by “Amapá”, the local newspaper, official press tool back then, which disseminated the beliefs and values of the constituted authorities, with the purpose of “strengthen” the “modernization” ideal on the people. Such practice was based on the attempt of breaking off sociocultural economic backwardness of the territory, hiding out the reality of the Amapá’s population, marked by poverty, a high illiteracy rate and the typical tropical diseases from Amazon (Malaria). During the rupture’s process between the old and the modern, the education takes on a major role in the official speech, being used as political advertisement and as essential element to the modernization and to the development of a “new man”: now “civilized”. However, the investigation on the expansion of the elementary education in Amapá, showed us the presence of a significant number of rural schools, in contradiction to the disseminated urban modernization promise around there. In this sense, we can affirm that educational policy on Amapá’s territory failed by reasons of being based on the “transplantation” of the Federal District’s educational project, and it is important to recall that, back then, the brazilian Federal District was Rio de Janeiro. Despite the public agents had established uncountable schools on rural areas, these were not carried out from a more systemic process, this is, considering the reality of the Amazon’s "cabloco". So, we observed the existence of the separation between the modern speech and the maintenance of old oligarchic practices by that time.

La respuesta liberal de Edmund Burke a la crisis de legitimidad política del siglo XVIII

Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the last three hundred years. We could not agree more with this assertion of Jesse Norman. Very few political-statesmen have attainted the enormous repercussion both in politics and in history that Burke had deployed over the last centuries. Nevertheless, Burke remains unfairly unknown for a wider public. And what it is more, the vast majority tend to think of him as a conservative, if not a liberal-conservative. A prior precision has to be made before continuing regarding the term liberal for the sake of accuracy. Burke was a prominent Whig, what in Spanish language we describe as a liberal, in the sense that both Hayek and Milton Friedman uttered, far from the meaning “kidnapped” of the word liberal by the Anglo-Saxon left. The object of this thesis is to investigate the non-solved controversy on Burke`s figure and the liberal answer he provided with to the political crisis of legitimacy of the 18th century. There is an existing shared opinion by the academia that prior to the Reflections on the Revolution of France, his masterpiece, he was an outstanding and prominent Whig. Champion of liberty, justice and good governance, guardian of liberal virtues and the authentic developer of the efficient policy put in place by the Marquis of Rockingham in order to curb the corruption and influence emanating from the court of George the Third and his double cabinet.

Post-liberal Regionalism in South America: The Case of UNASUR

This paper examines the formal features, the political rationale, distinctiveness, potential, and difficulties of post-liberal regionalism, with a particular focus on the case of UNASUR. Through this organization, traditional unionism and aspirations of Latin American regional integration are redefined in a South American geographic and ideational framework. Through this strategy South America became a political and economic construct in order to respond to globalization challenges and to achieve its members’ goals in development, regional autonomy (particularly in regards to the US), international influence and at the same time domestic governance of the involved countries. Nevertheless, the limits of this project’s future are being defined by nationalism, traditional visions of sovereignty and by a regional construction that involve significant institutional limitations, which are product of its intergovernmental logic, internal asymmetries and ambivalent Brazilian leadership

What are the Consequences of Consociationalism for Sexual Minorities? : An Analysis of Liberal and Corporate Consociationalism and Sexual Minorities in Northern Ireland and Lebanon'

Date of Acceptance: 07/10/2015

What are the Consequences of Consociationalism for Sexual Minorities? : An Analysis of Liberal and Corporate Consociationalism and Sexual Minorities in Northern Ireland and Lebanon'

Date of Acceptance: 07/10/2015

Liberal bias and the five-factor model.

Duarte et al. draw attention to the "embedding of liberal values and methods" in social psychological research. They note how these biases are often invisible to the researchers themselves. The authors themselves fall prey to these "invisible biases" by utilizing the five-factor model of personality and the trait of openness to experience as one possible explanation for the under-representation of political conservatives in social psychology. I show that the manner in which the trait of openness to experience is conceptualized and measured is a particularly blatant example of the very liberal bias the authors decry.

El antisemita, el liberal, la insolente y la amante. Luchas en torno de la disciplina y la autoridad en la formación del maestro argentino

Fil: Garguin, Enrique. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

El antisemita, el liberal, la insolente y la amante. Luchas en torno de la disciplina y la autoridad en la formación del maestro argentino

Fil: Garguin, Enrique. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.