997 resultados para War games


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The years between 1945 and the early 1980s are the most celebrated in Italy’s design history. From the rhetoric of reconstruction to the postmodern provocations of the Memphis design collective, Italy’s architects played a vital role in shaping the country’s encounter with post-war modernity. Yet as often as this story has been told, it is incomplete. Craft was vital to the realisation of post-war Italian design, and an area of intense creativity in its own right, and yet has been marginalised and excluded in design historiography.

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REVERIE (REal and Virtual Engagement in Realistic Immersive Environments) [1] is a multimedia and multimodal framework, which supports the creation of immersive games. The framework supports the creation of games integrating technologies such as 3D spatial audio, detection of the player’s body movement using Kinect and WIMO sensors, NPCs (Non-Playable Characters) with advanced AI capabilities featuring various levels of representation and gameplay into an immersive 3D environment. A demonstration game was developed for REVERIE, which is an adapted version of the popular Simon Says game. In the REVERIE version, a player tries to follow physical instructions issued by two autonomous agents with different degrees of realism. If a player follows a physical instruction correctly, they are awarded one point. If not, they are deducted one point. This paper presents a technical overview of the game technologies integrated in the Simon Says demo and its evaluation by players with variable computer literacy skills. Finally the potential of REVERIE as an immersive framework for gaming is discussed, followed by recommendations for improvements in future versions of the framework.

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This paper addresses the question of totalising gender power relations that have led to and shaped the wars of the 1990s in Yugoslavia and the emerging ethno-national states on the ‘periphery’ of Europe. I argue that the same type of gender power relations continue to dominate the region, notably Serbia, and to perpetuate gender inequalities and gender based violence in its many everyday and structural forms, causing profound levels of human insecurity. My analysis aims to set in motion a debate on how to tackle these continuing gender inequalities and GBV in post-war societies. In so doing, I propose a shift from focusing on the hierarchy of victimisation that has characterised much of the feminist analyses, activism and scholarly work in relation to these (and other) conflicts, to a relational understanding of the gendered processes of victimisation in war and peace, that is - of both women and men. Such an approach holds a potential to undermine the power systems that engender these varied types of victimisation by ultimately reshaping the notions of masculinity and femininity, which are central to the gender power systems that generate gender unjust peace.

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Dissertação de mestrado, Observação e Análise da Relação Educativa, Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Universidade do Algarve, 2005

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Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.

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This handbook issued by the South Carolina State Council of Defense provides a listing of contacts for the Council and 36 essays about the history of the war, current events, the role of America in the war, and peace efforts. The handbook concludes with essays and quotes from South Carolinians and with reports on how citizens can help with the war effort.

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This is a due date card for the book titled History of the World War, with stamped dates from 1939-1941.

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An education in Physics develops both strong cognitive and practical skills. These are well-matched to the needs of employers, from engineering to banking. Physics provides the foundation for all engineering and scientific disciplines including computing technologies, aerospace, communication, and also biosciences and medicine. In academe, Physics addresses fundamental questions about the universe, the nature of reality, and of the complex socio-economic systems comprising our daily lives. Yet today, there are emerging concerns about Physics education: Secondary school interest in Physics is falling, as is the number of Physics school teachers. There is clearly a crisis in physics education; recent research has identified principal factors. Starting from a review of these factors, and from recommendations of professional bodies, this paper proposes a novel solution – the use of Computer Games to teach physics to school children, to university undergraduates and to teacher-trainees.

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This paper explores the political reaction to Lord McConnell’s appeal for a political ‘truce’ in the form of a temporary halt to campaigning by all political parties and organisations involved in the debate regarding the Scottish independence referendum during the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games (BBC, 2014; McConnell, 2014). Urging both sides of the debate to cease campaigning for the two-week period of the Glasgow 2014 games, the current Labour peer and past First Minister of the Scottish Parliament cited concerns that there are “genuine concerns that the Games, and the image of Scotland, could be damaged by attempts by either side – for and against – to use the Games to promote their cause, or to use the venues for campaigning” (McConnell, 2014). Drawing upon the principles of both a critical discourse and a narrative analysis methodological approach, this paper will scrutinise the nature of the political reactions to McConnell’s proposal from a variety of perspectives on both sides of the independence referendum debate. In particular, the emphasis in the responses from both sides of the debate regarding the apolitical nature of the 2014 Games will be critiqued, drawing upon the arguments of past analyses of sporting mega-events which highlight the potential for political exploitation of such events by the host nations (e.g. Horne, 2007; Grix, 2012; Houlihan and Giulianotti, 2012; Roche, 2006). Furthermore, the findings of academic research on the political implications of hosting the Commonwealth Games will be considered (e.g. Majumdar and Mehta, 2010; Van Der Westhuizen, 2004; Macintosh and Greenhorn, 1992; Majumdar, 2011; Lockstone and Baum, 2010; Macfarlane and Herd, 1986), highlighting a number of precedents which demonstrate the numerous challenges faced in any attempts to the keep the 2014 Games free from political influence.

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US presidents have expanded executive power in times of war and emergency,sometimes aggressively so. This article builds on the application of punctuated equilibria theory by Burnham (1999 and Ackerman (1999). Underpinning this theory is the notion that rapid changes in - or external shocks to - domestic and international society impose new and insistent demands on the state. In so doing, they produce important and decisive moments of institutional mobilization and creativity, disrupt a pre-existing, relatively stable, equilibrium between the Congress and the president, and precipitate decisions or nondecisions by the electorate and political leaders that define the contours for action when the next crisis or external shock occurs. The article suggests that the combination of President George W. Bush's presidentialist doctrine, 9/11 and the 'war' on terror has consolidated a new, constitutional equilibrium. While some members of Congress contest the new order, the Congress collectively has acquiesced in its own marginalization. The article surveys a wide range of executive power assertions and legislative retreats. It argues that power assertions generally draw on precedent: on, for example, a tradition of wartime presidential extraconstitutional leadership extending to presidents, such as John Adams and Abraham Lincoln,as well as to Cold War and post-Cold War presidentialism.

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António Dinis da Cruz e Silva, member of Arcádia Lusitana, the literary academy he helped to found, introduced the Pindaric ode to the Portuguese literature of the neoclassical period (18th century). This poet imitates the triadic form and the mythological nature of Pindar’s encomiastic poetry, in order to celebrate the deeds of reputed historical figures from the national context, such as sailors, captains, politicians, and even the king himself. As in Pindar’s poetry, the mythological excursus holds an important part in Cruz e Silva’s Pindaric poetry. Winners of athletic games are acclaimed through allusion to the ancient heroes. Likewise, the heroes of the Portuguese history see themselves turned into immortals, since their deeds are reported as comparatively greater than those of Homeric warriors. Among the 44 Cruz e Silva’s Pindaric odes, 18 rewrite the myth of the Trojan War, from its beginnings with Eris (Odes I-II) to its outcome with the imperishable fame of the most conspicuous Homeric fighters (Ode XLII). These 18 compositions (re)tell, in a neoclassical style, the main scenes and themes of the Iliad and Odyssey, alluding directly to their heroes’ deeds. Achilles’ wrath and Hector’s death are topics repeatedly brought up in Cruz e Silva’s Pindaric poetry as models of courage and patriotism for national heroes. This chapter offers a discussion of Cruz e Silva’s neoclassical representation of the Trojan War. To this effect, an interdisciplinary approach is adopted, showing how the Portuguese poet handles the mythological material from Homer and Pindar. In this way, he initiated in 18th-century Portuguese literature a new literary genre, the Pindaric ode. By dealing with Poetry and History, Cruz e Silva perpetuated the life and fame of national heroes long after their deaths.