Sustainable Development and its Discontents

Sustainable development (or sustainability) is a decision-making framework for maintaining and achieving human well-being, both in the present and into the future. The framework requires both consideration and achievement of environmental protection, social justice and economic development. In that framework, environmental protection must be integrated into decisions about social and economic development, and social justice and economic viability must be integrated into decisions about environmental quality. First endorsed by the world’s nations in 1992, this framework is intended to provide an effective response to the twin global challenges of growing environmental degradation and widespread extreme poverty. Sustainability provides a framework for humans to live in harmony with nature, rather than at nature’s expense. It may therefore be one of the most important ideas to come out of the 20th century. In the last two decades, the framework has become a touchstone in nearly every economic sector and at every level of government, unleashing an extraordinary range of creativity in all of those realms. Sustainable development is having a significant effect on the practice of law and on the way in which laws are written and implemented. Understanding the framework is increasingly important for law makers and lawyers. As sustainable development (or sustainability) has grown in prominence, its critics have become more numerous and more vocal. Three major lines of criticism are that the term is “too boring” to command public attention, “too vague” to provide guidance, and “too late” to address the world’s problems. Critics suggest goals such as abundance, environmental integrity, and resilience. Beginning with the international agreements that shaped the concept of sustainable development, this Article provides a functional and historical analysis of the meaning of sustainable development. It then analyzes and responds to each of these criticisms in turn. While the critics, understood constructively, suggest ways of strengthening this framework, they do not provide a compelling alternative. The challenge for lawyers, law makers, and others is to use and improve this framework to make better decisions.

El medio en el mensaje: la autorreferencia en la televisión generalista

Los medios de comunicación, cuyas funciones clásicas eran «informar, formar y entretener», están dando protagonismo creciente a la autorreferencia, que es una forma abierta o encubierta de autopublicidad. El medio compromete espacios (en la prensa) o tiempos (formatos audiovisuales) para anunciarse a sí mismo, disminuyendo espacios y tiempos dedicados a mostrar realidades (o ficciones) que nada tienen que ver con el propio medio, y que son el mandato derivado de su dimensión social y cívica. El artículo analiza este fenómeno en televisión, con estudios empíricos sobre el registro de 24 horas continuadas de programación en las tres cadenas generalistas con más cuota d e pantalla. La novedad del estudio es 1) el análisis de la autorreferencia también dentro de los programas (y no sólo en los segmentos de continuidad declaradamente autopublicitarios: promociones, cortinillas, caretas, etc.) y 2) la atención a la autorreferencia como estrategia de cross-promotion entre medios del mismo grupo multimedia.

Vaccinology: The name, the concept, the adjectives

The visibility of the term vaccinology has become more pronounced in the 21st century in defining a scientific field that has absorbed aspects from different scientific domains until finally acquiring an identity of its own. As a result, vaccinology brings together a long tradition of researchers who have operated within a linear paradigm and incorporates new generations of scientists who have forged an exciting and diverse network of knowledge within this field. The term vaccinology, which initially appeared in isolation at the time of Jenner and once again with the emergence of the Pasteurian model, acquired further prominence thanks to the efforts of the vaccinologists who chronicled the production of vaccines in the last third of the 20th century. The term has since become truly consolidated, with the appearance of new adjectives during this century. This study provides a historical perspective for the frequency of use and evolution of this increasingly widespread term.

Papers of David Sewall, 1753-1756

Three letters written to David Sewall (Harvard AB 1755). The first letter, written on September 21, 1753 by Samuel Sewall in York, to his brother at Harvard sends general news, asks after a hat sent to David, and requests he have a wig made for him. The second letter, written by Harvard student David Wyer on August 28, 1756, enthusiastically thanks Sewall for his past advice. The third letter, also sent from his brother Samuel in York on December 9, 1766, offers David advice on love. The two later letters were sent to Sewall while he was a schoolmaster in Wells, Maine.

Iniciativas de participação cidadã de idosos em Portugal: um estudo exploratório

A perspetiva participativa tem ganho destaque na área do envelhecimento, impulsionada em parte pela divulgação da noção de envelhecimento ativo. Tal ênfase não foi contudo acompanhado por equivalente aprofundamento do conceito e das práticas, assistindo-se à perda de especificidade do termo, em particular na aceção de envolvimento cívico e político dos cidadãos idosos. Como se pode afinal definir participação cidadã sénior? Que tipo de atividades inclui? E o que se está concretamente a fazer em Portugal neste âmbito? Estas são questões a que o artigo procura responder, com base num estudo exploratório de levantamento de iniciativas locais de “participação sénior”.

What can the Better Regulation Commissioner do for the EU? CEPS Commentary, 29 September 2014

This commentary welcomes the creation and prominence given by President Juncker to the new post of First Vice-President in charge of Better Regulation, Inter-Institutional Relations, the Rule of Law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights as among the most interesting of several novelties contained in the proposed Commission and overdue. After all, as the authors point out, better regulation has been underpinning the Commission’s core business, namely, EU regulation, for over a decade. At the same time, however, they warn that Commissioner-designate Frans Timmermans is receiving an extremely challenging mandate which pose many difficulties to overcome.

Ordnung muss nicht sein. Developments on the German political scene. OSW Commentary No. 55, 2011-06-27

The results of parliamentary elections in seven German federal states, ongoing since early 2011, show the collapse of the existing order on the German political scene, both on a national level and on the level of the individual federal states. So far, the federal states have been governed by one of the catch-all parties1 – i.e. the Christian Democrats or Social Democrats – in coalitions with smaller partners – the FDP and the Greens, respectively2. This year’s elections have fully revealed the extent of social transformation in Germany and its impact on voting preferences and the hitherto stable party system in this country. The largest and most popular parties so far – the CDU and the SPD – are losing the voters’ confidence and support, whereas the parties associated with protest movements (such as the Greens) are gaining prominence. Moreover, the German political scene is undergoing increasing fragmentation, as new small, local groups are appearing who have no political aspirations at the federal level but who are attractive to voters acting as successful groups of common cause. The changes in the existing balance of power on the German political scene are being sped up by the specific features of the federal system. Elections to the parliaments of the federal states are held at regular intervals which increasingly affects policies on the national level. The key decisions that concern domestic and foreign affairs are made under the pressure of constant election campaigns.

European Neighbourhood Policy Package - Conclusions for the Eastern Partners. OSW Commentary No. 78, 2012-05-25

In 2011 the European Union began a process aimed at reforming its policy on the Eastern and Southern Neighbourhood. The change in circumstances in neighbouring countries following the Arab Spring, along with the lack of significant progress regarding Eastern Europe’s integration with the EU, formed the main driving force behind this process. The prime objective of the changes to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was the need to introduce new incentives for partner countries to modernise and integrate more closely with the EU Another aim was to increase the flexibility of EU instruments (by adapting them to the specific context of each partner state). One year later, on 15 May 2012, the European Commission and the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy published the European Neighbourhood Policy Package which reported on the progress made in the implementation of the ENP over the preceding year and set out the aims and Action Plans for 20131. An analysis of the outcomes of changes made to the EU policy towards Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus suggests that the aim of the revision was aimed more at addressing the changing political landscape in the region rather than at the implementation of a substantial reform of the neighbourhood policy. The ENP is largely based on bureaucratic procedures (the negotiation of bilateral agreements, the implementation of support programmes). These have only a limited capacity to bring about lasting change in the region, as has been exemplified by the deterioration of democratic standards in a number of countries; this was highlighted in EU’s own reports. This problem is particularly clear in the case of Ukraine; until recently it was seen as the leader of European integration but is now raising much concern due to a deterioration in the state of democracy there. EU instruments have a limited influence on the situation in Eastern Partnership countries and the region’s significance on the EU’s agenda is falling (the priority is now given to counteracting the economic crisis, and prominence in the neighbourhood policy has been given to the Southern Mediterranean). In response to this EU policy on Eastern Europe will focus to a larger extent on technical and sectoral cooperation.

Russia in Crisis: Year One. OSW Report, January 2010

Economic conditions which had favoured Russia’s development suddenly changed in mid-2008. The Russian economy was hit, on the one hand, by a drastic slump in oil prices (which fell from nearly US$150 to US$50 between July 2008 and January 2009), and on the other by the outflow of investors (a net of US$130 billion of capital left Russia in the fourth quarter of 2008). Within several months, the financial crisis became an economic crisis affecting the entire economy. The financial reserves accumulated in times of prosperity (more than US$162 billion in the stabilisation funds and nearly US$598 billion in the currency and gold reserve) alleviated the negative impact of the crisis, although this failed to prevent the deep declines in macroeconomic indicators. Russia is one of the states most severely affected by the crisis. In the first half of 2009, its GDP fell by 10.4% compared to the same period in the previous year, while industrial production dropped by nearly 15%, and a decrease in investments of over 18% was reported. The poor economic performance has strongly affected the Russian budget, which reported a deficit for the first time in ten years in 2009. During the first year of the crisis (August 2008 – September 2009), Russia’s financial reserves were seriously reduced as a result of the government’s anti-crisis policy and interventions from the central bank: the reserve fund decreased by nearly 45% to US$76 billion, and the central bank’s reserves shrunk by nearly US$200 billion to US$409 billion. Meanwhile, however, the money in the National Welfare Fund, which had been intended almost entirely to subsidise the Pensions Fund between 2010 and 2015, rose almost three-fold (to US$90 billion). According to government forecasts, the money from the reserve fund is also supposed to be spent fully in 2010. The financial crisis has triggered a dynamic outflow of capital from the Russian market. So-called speculative capital was the first to demonstrate the lack of confidence in the Russian market. In the first half of 2009, the growth rate of long-term investments also decreased noticeably, although no spectacular withdrawal of direct investments from Russia has been observed. The economic crisis has also halted the foreign expansion of Russian private capital, while state-owned capital strengthened its position as an investor. Russia’s raw materials companies continue to be the main category of foreign investors; however, new technologies are gaining prominence as the second main direction of Russian investments.

Germany and the Eurocrisis: The timing of politics and the politics of timing. ACES Cases No. 2014.3

This paper speculates on the future of the euro. It uses Germany as a prism for the discussion about what might be done next to bolster the Euro. Researching the future—always a challenging task—is made harder when multiple state actors contend for prominence on the basis of shifting coalitions at home, all while interacting at an international level. That said, almost everyone accepts that German choices will play the central role in the path ultimately chosen. This paper thus foregrounds Germany’s role in shaping the way ahead, and it does so through an explicitly political framework focused primarily on the electoral implausibility of an alternative German policy course.

Evolving Patterns of Euroscepticism in the Danish Political Landscape. EPIN Commentary No. 25/15 July 2015

Catharina Sørensen observes in this new EPIN Commentary that the most significant result of the Danish elections on June 18th was not the change of government from centre-left to centre-right, but rather the possibility that the anti-immigration, anti-European integration Danish People’s Party (DPP) would also enter government. While its leadership elected not to do so, but rather to exercise influence from outside, the author further notes that one positive outcome of a new pro-European government that is dependent on a largely eurosceptic supporting party could be that EU issues will finally get the prominence in Danish politics that they deserve.

As conceções dos educadores de infância sobre a educação em ciências no contexto de creche

A educação em Ciências desde os primeiros anos é hoje consensualmente defendida por especialistas da área, como forma de estimular e promover não só conhecimento nas crianças mas também o interesse por tudo o que as rodeia. Todavia, a exploração de temas científicos não tem tido o merecido destaque na creche. O presente estudo procurou assim identificar e caracterizar as conceções dos educadores de infância acerca da educação em ciências, em contexto de creche, e dar a conhecer os principais obstáculos com que estes profissionais de ensino se deparam quando implementam atividades de ciências. Para o efeito, optou-se por uma metodologia de natureza qualitativa recorrendo a um estudo de casos múltiplos. A técnica de recolha de dados utilizada foi a entrevista estruturada, realizada a cinco educadoras que exerciam funções em três instituições particulares do distrito de Santarém. Foi evidente a importância que as educadoras atribuem à realização de atividades de ciências nos primeiros anos. Contudo, os resultados desta pesquisa indicam que as educadoras realizam atividades pouco variadas, por não se sentirem confiantes na promoção de tarefas relacionadas com as ciências, o que remete para a falta de formação.

Prevalência e factores determinantes de desenvolvimento de úlcera por pressão

As Ulceras de Pressão (UP) podem ocorrer em todos os níveis de cuidados particularmente em situações de mobilidade reduzida e actividade diminuídas e a sua prevalência crescente constitui um problema significativo de saúde pública já que tem repercussões importantes na qualidade de vida dos doentes e suas famílias para além da sobrecarga financeira para os mesmos e para os sistemas de saúde. Pode definir-se UP como uma lesão localizada da pele e/ou tecido subjacente, normalmente sobre uma proeminência óssea, em resultado da pressão ou de uma combinação entre esta e forças de torção. Objectivou-se determinar a prevalência e os factores determinantes de desenvolvimento de ulceras de pressão no momento da admissão e alta em utentes institucionalizadas numa UMDR integrada na RNCCI. Estudo retrospectivo, de natureza quantitativa, realizado numa instituição de média duração, sendo a amostra constituída por 300 participantes. Para a colheita de dados elaborou-se um questionário que foi aplicado no período de 1 de Setembro a 31 de Outubro de 2014. Para a análise dos resultados, utilizou-se o programa estatístico SPSS. Na admissão registou-se 34% de prevalência de UP, 16,7% dos casos foi adquirida no domicílio e em 42,0% dos casos a UP é de Grau III, e em 11,7% das situações a UP mais grave localiza-se no sacro. Na alta observaram-se 24% de casos de UP, em que 12,0% das situações a UP é de Grau IV e em 10,0% de Grau III e em 7,7% das situações a UP mais grave se localiza no trocânter e em 6,7% no sacro. Constatou-se que 50% dos utentes são do sexo masculino e 50% do sexo feminino, com uma média de 74,82 anos de idade. Apresentam uma média de tempo de permanência na UMDR de 92,36 dias. 66,3% dos utentes ingressam na UMDR para reabilitação funcional e 29% para tratamento de feridas/UP. A maioria dos utentes revelou perda de autonomia para a realização das atividades de vida diária, com a sua dependência funcional comprometida quer na admissão, quer na alta. Os participantes na admissão apresentam 78,7% de alto risco para desenvolver úlceras de pressão e na alta este valor desceu para 54%. Como conclusão poderá inferir-se que a idade avançada, incontinência urinária e fecal, a presença de sonda vesical, o alto risco de desenvolvimento de UP e a presença de incapacidade aumenta o risco de desenvolver ulceras de pressão. Descritores: Ulceras de Pressão, Factores de Risco, Epidemiologia.

La cuestión del sujeto entre Wittgenstein y Althusser

El presente trabajo confronta el abordaje de la cuestión del sujeto en Louis Althusser y Ludwig Wittgenstein. La comparación se produce porque el tratamiento del lenguaje de la filosofía del segundo Wittgenstein es particularmente apropiado para abordar la intervención del discurso en el proceso por el cual la ideología interpela a los individuos como sujetos, según Althusser. El descentramiento del sujeto obliga a repensar la dimensión de la agencia, y con ella, la de la política. Tanto Wittgenstein como Althusser desembocan en una encrucijada: negación teórica de la noción de sujeto y reconocimiento de la existencia paradójica de la misma en la práctica. Ello implica deconstruir el par "determinismo-libertad" sobre el que se asienta la pregunta por la agencia. Sobre el final retomamos el trabajo de Michel Pêcheux sobre los efectos retroactivos del discurso, lo que implica (en concordacia con Wittgenstein) un replanteo del vocabulario de la determinación, prominente en los escritos althusserianos

Basileîs en combate : Fundamentos de la autoridad en Homero

Los poemas homéricos muestran una sociedad en transición entre dos mundos, el del oîkos y el de la pólis, que comparten valores como la centralidad de lo bélico, pero que traducen esos valores en formas de liderazgo y patrones de conducta diferentes, en función de la creciente institucionalización que anuncia el surgimiento del Estado. El conflicto entre Aquiles y Agamenón puede leerse como reflejo de esa tensión, en la que la centralidad de lo bélico adopta dos formas diferentes y antagónicas. Aquiles, el mejor de los guerreros homéricos, representa valores anclados en una sociedad poco estratificada, en la que el líder es aquel que sobresale por sus características personales y cuyo lugar debe ser ratificado constantemente. Agamenón, en cambio, expresa una lógica que aparece con las transformaciones que surgen con el tránsito hacia una sociedad más estratificada: su liderazgo sigue siendo militar, pero su preeminencia sobre los otros basileîs no se basa ya en su destreza marcial, sino en su capacidad de reclutar una mayor capacidad de guerreros. El de la Ilíada es un mundo en el cual ambas lógicas están en tensión, y cuyo conflicto, en consecuencia, no puede saldarse sin matices en favor de ninguno de ellos.